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tihvaxy of Che t:heolo;gical ^tminary
PRINCETON • NEW JERSEY
PRESENTED BY
John Stuart Conning, D.D.
BM 165 .B37 1918
Barton, George A, 1859-1942
The religion of Israel
VcliQions Science an& literature Series
-—EDITED BY ■ — .
E. HERSHEY SNEATH, Ph.D., LL.D., Yale University
THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
TIIE MACMILLAN COMPANY
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TORONTO
THE
RELIGION OF ISRAEL
BY
GEORGE A. BARTON, Ph.D., LL.D.
PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE AND SEMITIC LANGUAGES
IN BRYN MAWR COLLEGE
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1918
AU rights reserved
Copyright, 1918
By the MACMILLAN COMPANY
Set up and electrotyped. Published, September. 1918
TO
THE MEMORY OF
FRANCIS BROWN
LATE PRESIDENT OF UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
HEBREW LEXICOGRAPHER
WHO MADE ALL
STUDENTS OF HEBREW HIS DEBTORS
PREFACE
This little book is written for college undergradu-
ates, and is, accordingly, not a systematic treatise on
Old Testament Theology. The writer has had consid-
erable experience in teaching both graduate and under-
graduate students and has endeavoured to put into the
following pages the kind of information in which, as
he has learned, college undergraduates take an interest,
and to present it as he has found they like to have it
presented. He has found that the undergraduate
wishes to know the truth as fully and frankly as it can
be known, and, while he has not always the disciplined
patience to enjoy the details which the more mature
student must master, he is interested in watching the
development of great movements in history, and in
tracing the forces that shaped them.
In the following pages an effort is made to present
for such students the development of Israel's religion
from Its primitive Semitic beginnings to the coming of
Christ. Since even those students who have had a
course in the literature of the Old Testament seldom
have been taught how to use the earlier books from the
historical point of view, it seemed best to devote a
chapter to that subject. As the history of its religion
PREFACE
involves the history of the nation, it was also necessary
to treat the origin of Israel in the light of our latest
information. Having disposed of these topics, the
story of the unfolding of the religion is in several chap-
ters traced from the time of Moses to the beginning of
the Christian era. In these chapters an effort is made
to emphasize the spiritual and social forces that were
at work, to let the great creative personalities pass be-
fore the mind, and to follow in broad outline the changes
in organization, spiritual vision, and ethical practice.
Two chapters are then devoted to topics that could not
well be treated with the general history, but which are
in themselves of great importance, i.e., the development
of the priesthood, and the belief in angels and demons.
The remaining chapters are devoted each to some impor-
tant phase of the manifold Jewish religious thought and
activity in the centuries after the exile.
Many students have testified that there is no subject
of greater intellectual interest than the Old Testament,
when studied from the historical point of view. It is
the writer's hope that in reading this book some under-
graduates may find their interest awakened in one of
the most fascinating and important phases of human
history.
A considerable portion of chapter II formed part of
an article in the Proceedings of the American Philo-
sophical Society, and much of the material of chapters
IV-VIII appeared in a series of articles in the Biblical
fVorld, Vol. XXXIX. The writer hereby expresses his
PREFACE
thanks to the American Philosophical Society and the
University of Chicago Press for permission to use this
material here. It has been revised, brought up to date,
and adapted to its present use.
As the writing of this book neared completion In June,
19 1 6 (Its printing has been delayed by conditions pro-
duced by the great war) , the writer requested the late
Francis Brown, President of Union Theological Sem-
inary, to permit the book to be dedicated to him, In
recognition of the debt under which President Brown
had placed all students of Hebrew by the production
of his Hebrew Lexicon. In a letter dated June 27th,
19 1 6, President Brown granted the desired permission,
and added: "I am glad and grateful if the Lexicon
has been of use to you. I could make a much better
one now, and perhaps this may be revised sometime."
In speaking of his health President Brown added: " I
am really much better, and hope to go to work In the
autumn, though I shall have to walk softly for a while."
When autumn came. Instead of returning to his work
he passed to his reward on October 15, 19 16.
George A. Barton.
Bryn Mawr, Pa.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I The Semitic Background i
II The Value of the Early Biblical Narratives i8
III The Origin of the Israelitish Nation . . 43
IV Moses and the Covenant with Yahweh . . 56
V Pre-Prophetic Period in Canaan .... 75
VI The Prophets of the Eighth Century . . 94
VII Deuteronomy and Jeremiah 114
VIII The Exile and the Reorganized Jewish State 127
IX Legalism 141
X Development of the Priesthood and Ritual 158
XI Angels and Demons i73
XII The Religion of the Psalmists i95
XIII The Religion of the Sages 216
XIV Five Religious Tracts 235
XV The Hopes of the Apocalyptists .... 248
XVI The Jewish Dispersion 263
EDITOR'S PROSPECTUS
One of the notable developments of modern scholar-
ship is an increasing interest in the scientific study of
religion. It is safe to say that never before has religion
been made the subject of such careful and extended in-
vestigation as during the last two decades. History,
anthropology, psychology, archaeology, comparative re-
ligion, and sociology have been drawn upon to aid in
the determination and interpretation of the facts of re-
ligious experience; — each of them making a substan-
tial contribution toward this important end. Indeed,
during this period a new science, the psychology of re-
ligion, has come into being, and already a compara-
tively large literature on this subject has been devel-
oped. Philosophy, also, has felt the impulse of this
interest, and, in the more speculative fields of religious
scholarship, a philosophy of religion is rapidly supplant-
ing dogmatic theology in the effort to furnish an ulti-
mate interpretation of the phenomena of religious con-
sciousness. Furthermore, application of the historical
method to the study of Old and New Testament Liter-
ature has contributed toward a much better understand-
ing of the Bible, and to a more intelligent appreciation,
and a higher valuation, of the Christian religion.
editor's prospectus
Further Interest in religion is manifest In the wide-
spread movement in behalf of systematic religious edu-
cation. Biology, genetic and child psychology, the
psychology of adolescence, and experimental pedagogy,
are rendering valuable aid in the organization and appli-
cation of curricula in this important field. Thus far
elementary and secondary religious education has re-
ceived more attention than religious education In the
college. The time seems ripe for more adequate edu-
cation in this field in colleges and universities. For
this purpose a special literature in the history, psy-
chology and philosophy of religion, and in Old and
New Testament Interpretation is necessary. The " Re-
ligious Science and Literature Series " Is specially de-
signed to meet this need. Each book of the Series is
written by a well-known specialist, and Is prepared with
reference to class-room work. The Series includes the
following volumes:
The History of Religion (Ready)
E. Washburn Hopkins, Ph.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Philology, Yale University
Psychology of Religion (In preparation)
Luther A. Weigle, Ph.D.,
Professor of Christian Nurture, Yale University
Philosophy of Religion (In preparation)
Douglas Clyde Macintosh, Ph.D.,
Professor of Theology, Yale University
History and Literature of the Old Testament (In preparation)
Charles Cutler Torrey, Ph.D., D.D.,
Professor of Semitic Languages, Yale University
editor's prospectus
History of the Religion of Israel (Ready)
George A. Barton, Ph.D., LL.D.
Professor of Biblical Literature and Semitic Languages, Bryn Mawr
College
History and Literature of the New Testament (In preparation)
Henry Thatcher Fowler, Ph.D.,
Professor of Biblical Literature and History, Brown University
Life and Teachings of Jesus (In preparation)
Edward Increase Bosworth, D.D.,
Professor of New Testament Language and Literature, and Dean of
Oberlin Seminary
A Book About the English Bible (In press)
Josiah H. Penniman, Ph.D., LL.D.,
Professor of English Literature and Vice-Provost, University of
Pennsylvania
History of the Christian Religion (In preparation)
John Winthrop Platner, D.D.,
Professor of Ecclesiastical History, Andover Theological Seminary
The author of " History of the Religion of Israel,"
Professor George A. Barton, Is professor of Biblical
Literature and Semitic Languages in Bryn Mawr Col-
lege. His recognized scholarship, and large experience
as a teacher In this branch of learning, eminently qualify
him for writing a book of this character.
E. Hershey Sneath.
Yale University.
THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
CHAPTER I
THE SEMITIC BACKGROUND
Evolution and Revelation — The Hebrew Semites — Semites lived in
Arabia — Were Animistic — Semitic Social Organization — Deities
connected with Springs — Deities of Fertility — Pillars and Asheras
— Circumcision — Animal Sacrifice — The Passover — The Autumn
Festival — Law of Revenge — The Ban — Ecstatic Prophecy — Re-
ligion a Body of Ceremonies.
Religion may be viewed from either the human or the
divine point of view. From the divine standpoint God
reveals truth; from the human, man discovers it. Even
a superficial study of the history of religion makes it
clear that there has been in the course of the centuries an
advance in the apprehension of truth and in the grasp
of moral and religious ideals. Viewed from the divine
side revelation has been progressive; looked at from the
human, it has been evolutionary. He who speaks of the
evolution of religion does not thereby deny the divine
element, nor he who speaks of revelation, the human
factor. If, then, in the following pages we seek to
trace the evolution of the religion of Israel, we shall
be but treating In the favourite phraseology of the time
the progress of revelation in Israel.
The Hebrews were one of the Semitic peoples. The
2 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
evolution of their religion took place, accordingly, upon
soil prepared by the religious conceptions of the primi-
tive Semites. In order either to trace the evolution or
to estimate the permanent significance of the religious
message of the Old Testament it is necessary to glance
at the Semitic background of Israel's religion. Israel
was a Semitic people, and without some knowledge of
her Semitic inheritance one can not discriminate between
the ancestral and the original in her religious institutions
and customs, nor so easily separate the eternal from the
transitory in the Old Testament.
The Semitic nations known to history were the
Babylonians, Assyrians, Aramaeans, Phoenicians, He-
brews, Edomites, Moabites, Ammonites, Carthagenians,
Arabs, and Abyssinians. While a non-Semitic people,
the Sumerians, contributed much to Babylonian civiliza-
tion, that civilization was on the whole Semitic. The
languages of these Semitic nations are closely akin to
one another. Their resemblances often remind the
student of the kinship between the modern derivatives of
Latin — French, Italian, and Spanish.
A close kinship also existed between the Semitic peo-
ples and the peoples called Hamitic, — the Egyptians,
Berbers, and the tribes of Somaliland. This kinship Is
attested by linguistic affinities, and of It there can be
no doubt. How this kinship came about is differently
interpreted by different scholars. Egyptologists such as
Erman and Breasted hold that it came about In conse-
quence of a large infiltration of Semites into Egypt at
THE SEMITIC BACKGROUND 3
an early time. Such a migration of Semites into Egypt
from Asia has long seemed to the writer an Inadequate
explanation of the phenomena,^ for the similarities are
not confined to the ancient Egyptian language, but run
through the Berber dialects which are spoken through
the whole of North Africa to the Atlantic, and through
the dialects of Somaliland, which are also spoken to the
present day. These fundamental likenesses indicate
that at a remote epoch the Semites and the Hamltes
were one stock.
This kinship to the Hamltes does not, however, con-
cern us here. The point which Is of interest to our sub-
ject is that the Semites, even If at some very remote
period they had migrated from North Africa, lived for
a long time (so many scholars now believe^) in the
desolate peninsula of Arabia, and little by little, as they
became too numerous for that barren country to sup-
port, spilled over Into the more fertile lands to the
northeast, north, and northwest of Arabia (not to men-
tion Abyssinia to the southwest), thus forming In time
the various Semitic nations catalogued above. Even
If the beginnings of the fundamental Semitic institu-
tions had their birth In North Africa, they were brought
to their perfection through long residence In Arabia.
As several of these fundamental Institutions existed
for a long time in Israel, and some of them are per-
1 See the writer's Sketch of Semitic Origins, New York, 1902, pp. 9-12.
2 For different theories, see the writer's Sketch of Semitic Origins,
New York, 1902, Ch. I.
4 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
petuated by the Jews to the present time, a brief glance
at the most important of them will help to clearness of
thought in seeking for that which is vital in the religious
message of Israel.
Like all people at a similar stage of evolution, the
ancient Semites thought that every place, tree, rock,
spring, etc., had its spirit, or was inhabited by a spirit.
Out of these spirits the Semitic deities were in time
developed. It thus happened that all Semitic deities
were regarded as fixed to certain localities, — an idea that
was only slowly outgrown. Thus Yahweh, the God of
Israel, was first thought to dwell at Horeb ( i Kgs.
19: 8 f.), and later in the temple on Zion at Jerusalem
(Isa. 31: 4, 5, and 9). It took a long experience of
pain to teach one of the later psalmists the great lesson
of the omnipresence of God (Ps. 139:7-16).
Arabia, a land a thousand miles long, with an aver-
age width of six hundred miles, is one of the most barren
countries in the world. Desolate mountains of igneous
rock are separated by broad, elevated, unwatered plains,
which produce only a few hardy, thorny shrubs. In
parts, as in the region called the Nafud, the gravel of
these plains gives place to sand which drifts like snow.
There is almost no rainfall, and rivers are unknown.
The only fertile spots occur at those rare intervals
where, through the volcanic action of remote ages, a
rift in the rocks conducts water from unknown, far-
away sources to the surface of the ground and forms a
spring. Irrigation from this spring produces in that
THE SEMITIC BACKGROUND 5
subtropical climate an abundant vegetation. As one
wanders across the desolate sun-burned spaces which
constitute the larger part of Arabia, the contrast of the
cooling waters and refreshing shade of these oases be-
comes unspeakably impressive.
It was this contrast, combined with the grim strug-
gle for existence in such a country that gave to the early
Semite his conception of deity. One can easily under-
stand how, in such an environment, the spirit of an oasis,
— a spirit which could produce such refreshing waters,
such cooling shade, such delicious fruits, and sustain-
ing crops, — would become to him a beneficent deity. It
is not strange that in such an environment fertility, —
the power to give life, both vegetable and animal, —
should seem to the Semite the divlnest of all powers.
It was natural, therefore, that practically all Semitic
deities were thought to be closely connected with hfe
processes, and to be especially Interested in fertility and
reproduction.
The social organization of the early Semitic tribes in
Arabia was matriarchal,^ and religious conceptions, the
world over, are expressed in the terms of the social and
political organization of a people's life. People do not
call their god a king until they have a king as a part
of their political economy, nor do they call him a father,
where fatherhood is not a prominent feature of their
social organization.
1 See W. R. Smith's Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, 2 ed.,
London, 1903; and the writer's Semitic Origins, New York, 1902, Ch. II.
6 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
It Is not strange, therefore, that the early Semites
regarded the principal deity of each oasis as a goddess,
and the next important deity as her son. The god-
dess appears to have been the spirit of the spring which
gave the oasis Its fertility, and was consequently thought
to reside In the spring; the son appears to have been
regarded as the spirit of the vegetation, or more specific-
ally, of the palm-trees which grew near the spring.
They called the mother goddess by a name which is
found among all the Semitic nations known to history.
It appears among the Babylonians as Ishtar; among the
Phoenicians as Ashtart. It was called by the Greeks
Astarte, and perverted by later Hebrews to Ashtoreth.
It apparently meant " the Self-waterer." ^ We do not
know the primitive name of the goddess's son. In
Babylonia he was called Dumuzl (corrupted In Hebrew
to Tammuz), which meant "Son of life." Naturally
these deities were thought to feel and act as the barbar-
ous men and women of that early stage of development
felt and acted.
It was natural that. In a religion which originated
In such an environment, certain springs, trees, and rocks
should be considered sacred, for they were the residences
of deities or spirits. It was also natural that, when
Semites settled In lands watered by rivers, these rivers
should be considered sacred too. Thus In the code of
laws promulgated by the Babylonian king, Hammurapi,
^ See the Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. xxxi, p.
355 f-
THE SEMITIC BACKGROUND 7
the river is several times regarded as a god, and in
II Kgs. 5 : IO-I2 it is implied that divine qualities were
thought to belong both to the river Jordan and to the
two rivers at Damascus.
As deities of fertility the Ishtars and Tammuzes were
thought to approve of the sexual relations which existed
in primitive Semitic society; indeed, they were thought
to be especially anxious to encourage those relations.
Among all early peoples it has been thought that acts
that occur, as we say, by chance are especially directed
by a god. As these primitive deities were thought to
be especially interested in fertility, it was customary to
leave the selection of a partner to the first sexual act
in the life of a woman to chance, in order to secure to
her the blessings of the mother goddess. This custom
survived among several of the Semitic nations down
to late times. An outgrowth of this custom, which arose
after the establishment of priesthoods, was the conse-
cration of men and women to represent this function of
the deity.^ These men and women were -not prostitutes
in the ordinary sense of the term. The purpose of their
existence seems to have been to secure fertility to those
men and women who were barren. The institution was
not begotten by immoral tendencies; it simply repre-
sented a very primitive point of view. Doubtless at
times it was put to uses that were more sensual than
religious, but such was not its original purpose. This
1 See the article " Hierodouloi," in Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Religion
and Ethics, New York, 1908, Vol. VI.
8 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Institution was known In Israel as among the other na-
tions, and was not eradicated until the reform of Joslah
In 621 B. c. (II Kgs. 23: 7).
Closely connected with these conceptions of fertility
were the pillars and asheras which stood beside Semitic
altars. The pillars were rude stones which roughly rep-
resented a phallus, the asheras represented In different
ways at different times the physical gateway of life.
These, too, survived at the altars of Yahweh In Israel
until the reform of Joslah (II Kgs. 23: 7, 15).
Somewhat akin to the pillars just mentioned were
circles of stones arranged In a perpendicular position.
These were called by the Hebrews Gilgals. Such circles
may still be seen In the land beyond Jordan, and are no
doubt of pre-hlstoric origin. What the exact signifi-
cance of these circles was we cannot now divine. The
enclosure within them was rendered sacred, and Is ap-
parently still so regarded by the trans-jordanic nomads.^
These Gilgals Israel took over, and In time some of
them were explained by traditions of their own. Thus
one In the Jordan valley was regarded as having been
made of stones taken from the bottom of the Jordan
at the time of the Hebrew crossing (Josh. 4: 20).
A part of this primitive cult was the rite of circumci-
sion. This rite can no longer be regarded as the peculiar
possession of the Hebrew people, though It was inter-
preted by Jews as the special sign of Yahweh's covenant
with them (Gen. 17: 1-15). In reality It Is a most
iSee Biblical World, XXIV, p. 177.
THE SEMITIC BACKGROUND 9
primitive institution; it originated so early that it was
practised by Egyptians as well as by Semites. Egyp-
tian reliefs made prior to 2500 B. c. portray the opera-
tion, while the examination of many mummies proves
that it was practised. It would seem to have originated
at a time when the Hamites and Semites were still one
stock. The rite was performed on both men and
w^omen. Scholars are in doubt as to the original pur-
pose of circumcision. Some hold that it was intended
to be an offering of a part of the body as a sacrifice to
the deity in lieu of the whole; others, that it was in-
tended as a consecration of the organs of reproduction
to the deity, intended to secure from the goddess the
blessing of fertility; ^ still others that it was intended as
a mere physical convenience. It seems to the writer
that the second motive mentioned is more likely to be
the correct one.
Whatever the motive may have been, the antiquity
of the origin of circumcision and its widespread prac-
tice outside of Israel are now beyond doubt. It Is one
of those institutions which the chosen people inherited
from their Semitic ancestry. As so often happens In
religious history this rite underwent a new Interpreta-
tion at their hands; It lost Its primitive significance, and
became the symbol of their choice by Yahweh. Under
1 See the article " Circumcision " In Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Re-
ligion and Ethics, New York, 1908, Vol. III.
Toy, Introduction to the History of Religion, New York, 19 13, p. 72,
thinks that probably at first circumcision had no religious significance
whatever.
lO THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
prophetic influence circumcision became the " outward
and visible sign of an inward and spiritual grace," for
Deut. 30: 6 speaks of a circumcision of the heart, which
should enable Israel to love Yahweh with all the heart.^
The Apostle Paul carried this further and discarded
the outward rite, holding that he who had the inner
experience did not need the outward sign ( Rom. 2 : 28 f. ;
Col. 2: 11). All this does not alter the fact of the
pre-Israelitish origin of the rite, which was slowly spirit-
ualized by Israel, and which, though discarded for a
spiritual reality by Paul, is still practised by Israelites.
Another institution closely connected with circumcision
was animal sacrifice.^ Animal sacrifice is peculiar to
no nation or race. All people have, at a certain stage
of mental development, practised it. It can be traced
among the ancestors of the philosophically minded in-
habitants of India and Greece as well as among the less
philosophical Egyptians and Semites. It is based on
two conceptions: i, that the gods are corporeal beings
and need food; 2, that in disposition they are like men,
and are irritable and savage when hungry, but more
mercifully inclined when the pangs of appetite are satis-
fied. Every nation which has advanced to a high men-
tal and religious plane has had a struggle to throw off
this point of view. The method adopted to rationalize
1 See for similar treatment of it, Jer. 4:4, and Lev. 26:41.
2 Animal sacrifice included human sacrifice. This was practised by
the Hebrews, at least sporadically, until a late time, as the sacrifice of
Jephthah's daughter (Jud. 11:34-40) and the sacrifice of children in
the reign of Manasseh prove (II Kings 21:6; Jer. 32:35).
THE SEMITIC BACKGROUND II
sacrifices In India may still be traced in the literature
of that country.^
Some scholars hold that among the Semites sacrifice
was commensal, that is, that its essential feature was a
meal of which the worshipper partook and of which the
god was supposed to partake. The food, according to
this view, became a material bond between the wor-
shipper and the deity.^ Others hold that the essential
feature of the sacrifice in this primitive time was the
bursting forth of the blood.^ The deities were thought
to be barbarous and unfeeling. When they were of-
fended they, Hke the human beings of the time, could
only be appeased by a bloody offering. Perhaps both
elements entered into the conception. Men have, the
world over, misunderstood God. They have thought
him hard and cruel, — a being who demanded blood, —
one who could be moved as men can be moved by ap-
pealing to appetite or the lust for vengeance. They
have thought of God as altogether like to themselves.*
Such animal sacrifice Israel inherited from her Semitic
ancestry, and with conscientious reverence perpetuated.
Prophets protested,^ but ancient ideas were too strong to
yield. The law of Deuteronomy, which limited sacrifice
1 See Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, New York, 1908, p. 33 f. and
215 f.
2 See W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, 2 ed., London, 1894, Chs.
VI-IX.
3 S. I. Curtis, Primitive Semitic Religion Today, New York, 1902, pp.
216-228.
'*Ps. 50:21.
5 Amos 5 : 21-25.
12 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
to one place, reduced it to a minimum, but continued
the theory that It was necessary. In course of time, be-
cause of the limitation of the Deuteronomic law, the
synagogue developed a worship without sacrifice, but
Judaism ever regarded this as worship of a lower plane
than that of the temple. The destruction of the temple
in 70 A. D. brought Jewish sacrifices to an end, but to
this day Orthodox Judaism looks to their restoration. If
the temple at Jerusalem Is ever restored. It was left
for Christianity to develop a theory of religion In which
animal sacrifice has no place.
Another inheritance which was in reality a part of
animal sacrifice, was the Institution of the passover.
This feast, as celebrated in Israel, was a reinterpreta-
tlon of the primitive Semitic festival of the yeaning
time, at which some of the gifts of the goddess of
fertility were returned to her In the form of sacrifices.^
Perhaps In early times the sacrifices of the yeaning time
consisted of first-born animals and Included the first-
born of men as well. At all events it was long regarded
as a religious obligation to offer the first-born in sacrifice
to Yahweh. Later It was considered right to substitute
a lamb for the first-born of men and asses. To justify
the substitution In the case of human beings, the story
was told that Abraham w^as directed from heaven to
make such a substitution.^ This story Is not really the
story of the sacrifice of Isaac, as It is often called, but
1 See Barton, A Sketch of Semitic Origins, New York, 1902, pp. 108-
III.
2 See Genesis 22.
THE SEMITIC BACKGROUND 1 3
the story of the rescue of Isaac from this barbarous
fate.
From the early Semitic time there descended along
with the passover another festival that was celebrated
in the autumn. Among the oasis dwellers this festival
was celebrated at the time of the date harvest at the
end of summer.^ After the Hebrews settled in Canaan,
where the grape harvest was a prominent agricultural
fact, while the date harvest was a negligible quantity,
the feast was reinterpreted as a celebration of the in-
gathering of the grapes.^ The wailing which had pre-
ceded the festival, and which had been in the wilderness
period expressive of the death of Tammuz or of vegeta-
tion in the fierce summer heat, was also given a new
interpretation and was made a wailing for sin. Mem-
ory of the origin of the festival in the conditions of the
previous nomadic life was kept alive by the custom of
living in booths or tents during the week of the feast.^
In the unsettled life of the Semitic nomad there was
no regularly constituted authority or any code of laws.
Such sheiks or chieftains as they had were local or tribal
leaders, possessing only such authority as their fellow
tribesmen chose to give them, and no means of enforcing
their authority except the public opinion of the tribe.
Through long centuries of such life there gradually grew
up certain principles of rough and ready justice which
1 Barton, .4 Sketch of Semitic Origins, New York, 1902, pp. 111-115.
2Deut. 16:13.
3 Lev. 23 : 34, 40.
14 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
received the sanction of all, and which were in time
thought to have divine sanction. These principles were
embodied In the lex talionis or unwritten laws of retalia-
tion. According to this unwritten law, If a man knocked
out another's eye, his eye must be knocked out. If he
knocked out another's tooth, his tooth must be knocked
out. If he Injured another's hand, a corresponding in-
jury must be Inflicted upon his hand. If he killed an-
other, he himself must be put to death. It became the
sacred duty of the one next of kin to the slain man to
avenge the blood of his kinsman. Wherever Semites
went they carried deeply Ingrained in their customs this
law. In the code of Hammurapl, which comes from
Babylonia, a majority of the penalties Imposed are but
detailed applications of this principle, and the principle
with all the force of a divine law prevails among the
nomadic Arabs until the present time.
Every reader of the Old Testament is aware that this
principle Is enshrined in the laws of the Pentateuch,^ but
probably few realize to what an extent It was thought to
have back of It the authority of Israel's God. The story
told in 2 Sam. 21 : 1-14, which Is treated below, p. 82,
is an Interesting revelation of the way in which this law
was regarded. Yahweh was thought to have sent a
famine of three years' duration upon the whole land
because the bloody penalties, which this law demanded,
had not been exacted, and was only appeased by a
ghastly conformity to the law, which makes a modern
1 See Deut. 19: 19.
THE SEMITIC BACKGROUND 1 5
reader shudder. It Is one of the gains that scientific
study brings us that we no longer think of this law as
really given by the one God, but as a barbarous inherit-
ance from Israel's Semitic forebears.
Another barbarous Semitic custom which was per-
petuated for a time In Israel was the herem or ban. The
word Is sometimes translated In the Revised Version
"devoted," as in Josh. 6: 17, 18, and sometimes "ut-
terly destroy" as In Josh. 6:21 and i Sam. 15:3, 8.
The custom represented by this word was In brief this:
when for any reason the hatred of a people towards
an enemy had been fanned to a white heat, those en-
tertaining the hatred, thinking that their god shared their
feelings, vowed, if they could conquer the hated ones, to
utterly destroy them as an act of service to their own
god. When once such a vow had been taken, all sacred
associations compelled those taking it to execute It. A
massacre thus became a religious duty, and wholesale
murder a divine service. This, too, was an ancestral
custom, which the better spirit of Israel finally sloughed
off.
Still another Institution which Israel shared with her
Semitic neighbours was ecstatic prophecy. The Idea that
epileptics and those whose nervous constitutions are so
delicate that they are easily thrown off their balance are
possessed of spirits either good or bad has been widely
prevalent among mankind.^ If the spirit by which the
1 See Davenport, Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals, New York,
1905.
l6 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
patient is possessed Is thought to be a good one, the
utterances of the patient are regarded as an oracle.
Such a prophet was found at the court of a king of the
Phoenician city of Gebal ^ about iioo B. c, and, If we
had fuller records, It would probably be found that they
existed In other parts of the Semitic world. Israel's
early prophets were of this sort. Such was the company
of people whom King Saul In his early life joined, and
such was the prophet Into which he for a while turned.^
Even Ellsha, at a later time, employed music to Induce
such an ecstasy so that he could give an oracle.^
Fortunately for us and for the world such prophecy
was displaced In Israel by something better. Ecstasy
gave place In the great literary prophets to vision, — to
that spiritual sight which God sometimes gives to con-
secrated souls, when with wills dedicated, hearts aflame,
and all their mental powers alert and active, they address
themselves to the deepest problems of life.
It should also be noted that the early Hebrews shared
with their Semitic kinsmen the view that religion con-
sisted of a body of ceremonies to be gone through with,
rather than a body of beliefs to be accepted. The
world was thought to be full of supernatural powers of
which man stood In awe. If one did not behave toward
these powers as the powers themselves thought proper,
in anger they might blast one's life. Just as one must
1 See Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, Chicago, 1906, p. 280.
2 I Sam. 19: 20-24.
8 11 Kgs. 3:15.
THE SEMITIC BACKGROUND 1 7
observe a polite etiquette In approaching a powerful
man, so the ceremonies of religion were the proper man-
ners to be observed In one's relationship with the gods.
So long, then, as the right practices were carried out, one
might believe what he wished. Connected with different
gods were various myths that had grown up to explain
their actions or their nature. These myths one could
accept or reject. If only his outward conduct was Irre-
proachable. At first, accordingly, religion consisted of
a body of ceremonies.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. Semitic Conceptions of Deity; cf. W. R. Smith, Religion
of the Semites, 2 ed, London, 1894, Lecture II; G. A. Barton,
A Sketch of Semitic Origins, New York, 1902, ch. iii ; Hastings,
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, New York, 1908, Vol. VI,
pp. 247-252 ; Toy, Introduction to the History of Religion, New
York, 1913, §§ 751-764.
2. Are there Traces of Totemism among the Semites? Cf. W.
R. Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, 2 ed., London,
1903; Jacobs, Studies in Biblical Archaeology, London, 1894; G.
A. Barton, Sketch of Semitic Origins, New York, 1902, p. 33 ff. ;
Toy, Introduction to the History of Religion, §§ 422-580.
3. The Meaning of Sacrifice among the Semites; cf. W. R.
Smith, Religion of the Semites, Lectures vi-xi, especially Lecture
viii ; S. I. Curtis, Primitive Semitic Religion Today, New York,
1903, ch. xiii.
4. The Semitic Law of Blood-Revenge; cf. W. R. Smith,
Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, pp. 25-27, 41-56, Re-
ligion of the Semites, passim, " Blood-feud (Semitic) " in Hast-
ings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, III, 731 fE. ; G. A.
Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Philadelphia, 19 16, Part II,
ch. xiii.
CHAPTER II
THE VALUE OF THE EARLY BIBLICAL NARRATIVES
Expansion of Modern Knowledge — Comparatively Late Date of Early
Biblical Documents — the Historical Clue in Genesis lo — Jacob's
Marriages — Joseph — Story of Potiphar's Wife — Joseph as Ruler
of Egypt — Joseph and the Famine — Judah — Simeon and Levi —
Asher — Jacob — Abraham and Babylonian Documents — the Na-
ture of the History in the Narratives.
Since the birth of the sciences in the nineteenth century,
knowledge has been revolutionized and enlarged In
every department. The effect of the creation of the
historical and social sciences Is as marked In this respect
as that of the natural sciences. The account which the
records and traditions of a country give of its history
Is found to begin with mythical stories, which gradually
give place to legends and later emerge into sober history
attested by documents, which, if not contemporary, date
from a time so near to the events, that their testimony,
when tested by general considerations, may be accepted.
The scientific method applied to ordinary history Is gen-
erally accepted quietly by the public, which is usually
grateful for the clearer vision of past events which it
affords.
It has been Inevitable, that in the general progress of
knowledge the scientific method should be applied to all
existing records, sacred as well as to so-called profane.
i8
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 1 9
A part of the movement of modern knowledge consists,
accordingly, of the application of the scientific method,
generally known as the higher criticism, to the records
in the Bible. The application of this method has re-
sulted in the division of scholars into three camps: (i)
there are the sincere, conscientious, open-minded, rev-
erent scholars, who believe in the scientific method, who
see that the Biblical records cannot be rightly exempted
from scientific treatment, and who go about the work
with reverence and sanity; (2) there are the reactiona-
ries, who are unable to believe that any Biblical narra-
tive can ever have had any other significance than that
which they have always attached to it, and who spend
their efforts endeavouring to prove, often by the flimsiest
arguments from supposed archaeology, that every Bibli-
cal narrative must be taken by the historian at its face
value; (3) there is the mythological, or pseudo-scientific
school, which has become enamoured of the scientific
method from afar, but has never undergone the train-
ing in judgment necessary to the application of scientific
principles. The members of this school fall into two
groups. There are those who, like Winckler, dissolve
Solomon and everything before him into forms of Bab-
ylonian myths, while others, like Jensen and Zimmern,
resolve most of the Biblical characters Into myths.
Under Jensen's touch every Important character of the
Old Testament and Apocrypha, as well as Jesus and
Paul, become simply forms of the myths of the Gilga-
mesh epic. In view of the division of scholarship Into
20 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
these three camps, It Is clear that a scientific student of
history must take his stand with the first group. He
cannot refuse to use the scientific method upon sources
simply because they are sacred, nor can he exercise the
liberty of dissolving into myth events attested by docu-
ments that are nearly contemporary with the events
described.
The application of the scientific method to the Bible
has made it evident that, apart from a few poems such
as the song of Deborah In Judges, chap. 5, we have no
Hebrew literature from a date earlier than the ninth
century B. c. Broadly speaking, Hebrew literature be-
gins with the prophetic documents of the Pentateuch J
and E which were written in the ninth and eighth cen-
turies B. c, and similarly early strata In the Books of
Judges and Samuel. As these writings are prophetic In
tone, and as the Book of Deuteronomy (which Is pro-
phetic in tone) Is demonstrably from the seventh century
B. c, while the great body of Levitical laws and priestly
narratives are generally recognized as from the fifth
century B. c. It Is now clear that, broadly speaking,
the prophets were anterior to the law. Although there
may be pre-exillc psalms in the Psalter, the collection as
a whole was the hymn-book of the second temple, and
such pre-exllic material as was embodied In It was re-
edited to suit the changed conditions and sentiments of
the post-exilic time. The beautiful piety and spiritual
aspirations of the noblest parts of the Psalter can, there-
fore, no longer be attributed to David. All this sets
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 21
the development of Israel's religion in new perspective.
This is not the place to dwell in detail upon these literary
facts and problems, though in the discussion which fol-
lows they will be presupposed. The reader who is un-
familiar with them is referred to one of the several ex-
cellent " Introductions " ^ to the Old Testament. It is
clear that there was an evolution in Israel's religion far
more real than was formerly supposed.
The material in the Books of Judges, Samuel, and
Kings embodies the historical traditions of the life of
Israel in Canaan. These traditions have apparently in
a few instances been heightened by mythical influences.
Such, at least, seems to be the case with the stories of
Samson. When we come to the stories of the earlier
time, however, we are moving on less certain ground.
How are we to estimate the value of the stories of the
patriarchs in Genesis; of the giving of the law at Sinai;
of the conquest of Canaan in the Book of Joshua? In
entering upon this task it is convenient at first to classify
the sources from which the traditions are derived.
Scholars recognize that they fall into four groups, i.
There are traditions which Israel brought with her into
Palestine. Such are the traditions of the Exodus from
1 Such as C. C. Torrey, The Literature of the Old Testament, New
York, in preparation; S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of
the Old Testament, New York, new ed., 1913; C. H. Cornill, Introduction
to the Canonical Books of the Old Testament, New York, 1907; J. E.
McFayden, Introduction to the Old Testament, New York, 1905;
Gray, Critical Introduction to the Old Testament, New York, 1913;
or G. F. Moore, Literature of the Old Testament, New York,
1913-
22 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Egypt and the covenant at Sinai. 2. There are tradi-
tions which were borrowed from the Canaanites. Such
is the tradition of the origin of the Dead Sea in Gen.
18, 19; such also are the traditions connected with the
various shrines, such as that the altar at Shechem was
built by Abraham (Gen. 12:7), and that Jacob set up
the pillar at Bethel (Gen. 28). 3. There are traditions
that were developed by the Israelites in Palestine. Such
is the account of the marriages of Judah and his sons in
Gen. 38. 4. There are traditions that were borrowed
from Babylonia and adapted to the religion of Israel.
Such were the accounts of the creation in Gen. i, 2, and
of the flood in Gen. 6-9. The appraisal of the value
of some of these will be dealt with at a later point. At
present attention will be directed to the historical value
of the narratives in Genesis concerning the patriarchs.
The historical student finds, perhaps, his most difficult
task the proper estimation of the patriarchal narratives.
Scientific criticism has shown that the records of these
narratives have been drawn verbatim from three docu-
ments, the earliest of which dates from the ninth century
B. C, and the latest from the middle of the fifth pre-
Christian century. These are the J document, written
900-800 B. c, the E document, dating from about 750,
B. c, and the P document, dating from about 450 B. C.
The demonstration of this is so convincing that it has
won the consent of nearly all the scientific experts. But
let him follow the sound historical maxim and prefer
the testimony of the earliest document, he is still in per-
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 23
plexlty, for the oldest document, the so-called J docu-
ment, is at least three hundred years later than Moses.
It is as far removed from Moses as the translators of
the Authorized Version are from us, and further re-
moved from Abraham than we are from Columbus and
Martin Luther.
The historian may obtain a clue to guide him in his
perplexity from a study of Genesis, ch. 10. For exam-
ple. Gen. 10: 6 states that the sons of Ham were Cush,
Mizraim, Put and Canaan. Cush here is the Egyptian
Kesh, or Nubia. Mizraim Is simply the Hebrew word
for Egypt. Put is the Punt which figures so largely in
Egyptian history — the country to the far south whence
so many expeditions were sent and from which myrrh,
ivory and pigmies were brought.^ Canaan is the well-
known tribe or group of tribes from which the Phoeni-
cians were developed, which also inhabited Palestine and
gave it one of the names by which it is still called. It is
clear that these names represent, not individuals, but
personified tribes or nations. Take Egypt, for example.
We now have the outlines of its history back to about
5000 B. c. At that time it consisted of forty-two dis-
tinct tribes, who lived so long in separation from one
another that their animal totems persisted as the repre-
sentatives of the gods of the different nomes down to
the Roman period. Perhaps as early as 4000 B. c. these
nomes, often at war with one another, had been united
1 See Breasted, History of Egypt, 2 ed., New York, 1909, pp. 127, 140,
142, and passim.
24 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
into the two kingdoms of upper and lower Egypt, but
these were not united into a single monarchy until the
time of Mena, about 3400 B. c. It is simply impossible
that these forty-two tribes were descended from one
man. Their gods, customs, sacred animals, and war-
like emblems were all different. The farther back we
push our knowledge of Egypt, the more its constituent
parts ramify into a congeries of unrelated atoms. It is
only from the point of view of later times that it can
be spoken of as one entity. The Biblical writer has ac-
cordingly personified a nation. What can be proved for
Egypt can also be proved in lesser degree for Nubia.
If now other parts of the chapter be explored the
names of many nations and countries appear. Gomer
(v. 2) is the Gamir of the Assyrians, the Cimmerians
of the Greeks ; Madai is the Medes ; Tubal and Meshech,
the tribes Taball and Mushkl of the Assyrian inscrip-
tions. Javan is the '' Ion '' of the word lonians.
Elisha (v. 4) is the Alashia of the El-Amarna letters,
or the Island of Cyprus; Kittim, the Kiti or Kition, on
that island. Tarshish is Tartessos, the Phoenician
mining and trading camp in Spain. Similarly in v.
22 Elam, Asshur and Aram are clearly the names of
well known countries. In v. 26 most of the persons
mentioned are known to be tribes or towns in south
Arabia. In v. 15 it is stated that Canaan begat Zidon.
Zidon is the city. Its name means " fishing." The
name was not derived from a man, but from an in-
dustry.
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 25
We derive from this chapter, then, partly composed
of J material (ninth century) and P material (fifth
century) the general principle that patriarchal names
are probably not personal names, but are personified
tribes, nations, or places. This Is In accord with modern
Arabian custom. The Arabs make alliances with other
tribes under the fiction of kinship, and then to justify
the supposed kinship trace their descent from a com-
mon ancestor.^ In combining the personifications of
two documentary sources in Genesis 10 confusion has,
in at least one case, resulted. To the J writer (v. 8)
the Cush who begat Nimrod was the Kash of the Bab-
ylonian inscription, /. e., the Kassites or Cossaeans, who,
entering Babylonia from the East, conquered it about
1750 B. c. and established a dynasty that ruled for
576 years. To the P writer of v. 6 Cush was Nubia,
as already pointed out. The combination of these
narratives by a later editor has made the two Cushes
appear to be the same, so that some Interpreters, not
recognizing the difference, feel compelled to claim that
the Assyrians are descended from a Hamltic race.^
We are, then, on safe historical ground. If we assume
that at least a part of the patriarchal narratives con-
sists of tribal history narrated as the experiences of
individual men. To assume that all patriarchal story
1 Cf. Sprenger, Geographie Arabiens, Berlin, 1875, and Lectures and
Essays of W. Robertson Smith, London, 19 12, p, 461. The position set
forth in the text is not new. Many scholars have taken it.
2 See Kyle, The Deciding Voice of the Monuments in Biblical Criti-
cism, Oberlin, 1912, p. 196.
26 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
is tribal history, would be to create for ourselves new
difficulties. When once a man, or a supposed man,
has caught the popular Imagination, tradition frequently
attaches to his name stories, which were originally told
of others. This could. If It were necessary, be Illus-
trated by many examples, some of which will be men-
tioned below.
In applying the principle of interpretation drawn
from Genesis, ch. lo. It Is convenient to begin with the
narratives connected with the twelve sons of Jacob.
These correspond to the twelve tribes of Israel, and
are probably simply personifications of those tribes.
These sons are divided by the narratives Into four
groups, which are said to be respectively the offspring
of four mothers. It Is natural to suppose that. If
these narratives represent tribal history, that there
was an alliance between the tribes which composed
each group before the groups themselves were formed
Into a union. Two of the groups are said to be the
offspring of full wives of Jacob. These probably
joined In an alliance with each other earlier than the
two groups which are said to be descended from Jacob's
concubines. In Jacob's marriages, then, and the stories
of the birth of his children we probably have an out-
line of the history of the formation of the confederacy
of the twelve Israelitish tribes. The nucleus of this
confederacy was the tribes which counted their descent
from Leah, viz. : Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Issachar,
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 27
Zebulon. These were the original tribes of Israel.
Later were born the sons of Rachel; i. e., the Rachel
tribes came Into the confederacy after the other six
existed as a definite group. The name Leah means
wild-cow; the name Rachel, ewe.^ It has accordingly
been suggested that these were simply the animal sym-
bols of the tribes, and that the Leah tribes were cow
boys and the Rachel tribes sheep raisers. Others hold
that they were not economic, but totemlstic, symbols.
Whichever alternative Is adopted, the Interpretation of
Leah and Rachel which makes them the symbols of
the Intertribal alliances Is most probable. The appli-
cation of the name Joseph to two of these tribes, for
reasons which will be mentioned later, was probably
not made until after the settlement In Palestine. Again
the tribe of Benjamin was not differentiated from the
other Rachel tribes until after the settlement In
Canaan. Benjamin originally meant " sons of the
south " or " southerners," and was given them because
they were the southernmost of the Rachel folk. This
southern position they occupied In Palestine, but could
hardly have held as a nomadic tribe. The tradition
that Benjamin is the youngest of Jacob's sons is a recol-
lection of the late development of the tribe.
Similarly, the name Joseph seems to have been at-
tached to the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh after
1 W. R. Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, 2d ed.,
London, 1903, p. 254.
28 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
the settlement in Canaan. The name itself has had an
interesting history. A Babylonian business document
of the time of the first dynasty of Babylon (2225-
1926 B. c.) had for one of its witnesses Yashiih-ilu,^
or Joseph-el. Thothmes III, who conquered Pales-
tine and Syria between 1478 and 1447 B. c, records as
one of the places which he conquered in Palestine
Wa-sha-f-ra,- which Eduard Meyer many years ago
recognized as Joseph-el. This equivalence is doubted
by W. Max Miiller, but is, so far as I can see, pos-
sible. How did the name of a Babylonian man be-
come attached to a Palestinian city? There was at the
time of the first dynasty frequent intercourse between
Mesopotamia and Palestine. Documentary evidence
of this will be cited below in connection with Abraham.
Is it too much to imagine that a Joseph-el migrated, and
that his name became attached to a Palestinian city?
Not only have we in our own country many places
named for men, but modern Palestine affords an ex-
ample of a village that lost during the nineteenth cen-
tury its name, Karyet el-Ineb, and substituted for it
the name of a famous sheik, Ahu Ghosh.^ If in some
such way Joseph-el made its way into Palestine, be-
^ Cuneiform Texts, etc., in the British Museum, II, no. 23, 1. 15.
^ Mittheilung der Vorderasiatische Gesellschaft, 1907, p. 23. MuUer
thinks it equivalent to Yesheb-el, " God dwells." The Babylonian
might also be so interpreted. The phonetic equivalence between Bab-
ylonian and Hebrew points rather to Joseph-el, and the Babylonian form
may account for the Egyptian spelling, which forms the basis of Miiller's
doubt.
3 See Baedeker's Paldstina, Leipsig, 1910, p. i6.
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 29
coming the name of a city and Rachel tribes afterward
settled In the region, the shortened form of the name,
Joseph, might naturally become the name of their sup-
posed ancestor.
The principle of Interpretation gained from Genesis
10 compels us to suppose that the name Joseph came
In In some such way, for In the historical period no tribe
of Joseph appears. If the Investigator Is forced to this
conclusion, how are the vivid narratives of the personal
fortunes of Joseph to be accounted for?
The archaeological discoveries of recent years have
made It probable that the Joseph tribes alone were con-
cerned In the Egyptian residence and bondage.^ The
stele of Merneptah,^ to whom all Biblical Indications
point as the Pharaoh of the Exodus, clearly shows
that Israel, or the Leah tribes, were already In Pales-
tine. The fact that the Ephralmlte document, E, re-
calls as the Judaean document J does not, the revelation
of the name Yahweh,'^ and that the ark of the covenant
was afterward preserved In an Ephralmlte shrine,^
point In the same direction. If these tribes alone had
the Egyptian experience and were at first the sole guard-
ians of the Egyptian tradition, when once they had
come to regard Joseph as their ancestor It would be
natural for many stories to cluster about his name. In
1 See Paton's article, " Israel's Conquest of Canaan," Journal of
Biblical Literature, XXXII, pp. 1-54, and ch. iii, below.
2 See Breasted's Ancient Records, Egypt, Chicago, 1906, III, § 617.
3 Ex. 3 : 13, 14.
^ I Sam. 3 and 4.
30 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
this connection it is an interesting fact that several
of the stories told of Joseph are almost identical with
other stories and facts which archaeological research
has brought to light, but which in their original set-
ting are connected with other names. The chief of
these are the following:
(i) The story of Joseph's temptation by Potiphar's
wife is strikingly parallel to the tale of two brothers —
a tale In which the younger brother is subjected by his
sister-in-law to the same temptation as Joseph, and,
when, like Joseph, he repulses her, she professes to
have been outraged by him, and plunges him Into mis-
fortune. This story comes to us in a papyrus dated
In the reign of Seti II, 1 209-1 205 B. c, and is accord-
ingly very old.
(2) The career of Joseph as ruler of Egypt is
paralleled by the career of Dudu or David, an official
bearing a Semitic name, who seems to have held a high
position under Amenophls IV of the eighteenth
Egyptian dynasty, before 1350 B. c. In the El-
Amarna correspondence ^ two letters addressed to this
Dudu by Aziru, king of the Amorltes, occur.
In these letters Aziru constantly classes Dudu with
the king. He fears to offend Dudu as he fears to
offend the king. The words of Dudu he counts as of
equal importance to those of the king. Dudu clearly
1 That is, some letters dug up at Tell-el-Amarna in Egypt during the
winter of 1887-1888. The letters were written between 1410 and
1350 B. C.
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 3 1
occupied a position of power with the king similar to
that ascribed to Joseph in Genesis.^
(3). The action of Joseph in storing up corn and
then distributing It during a time of famine is paralleled
by the course of Baba of El-Kab, who flourished under
the elghteeth dynasty of Egypt about 1500 B.C., and
who says in an inscription carved in his tomb, at the
close of a description of the activities of his life :
" I collected corn as a friend of the harvest-god. I was watch-
ful in time of sowing. And when a famine arose, lasting many
years, I distributed corn to the city each year of the famine." ^
The principal features of Joseph's life are thus
paralleled in ancient history. The careers of Baba
and Dudu are thoroughly historical; our knowledge of
them rests upon contemporary documents. While the
latter part of the tale of the two brothers contains much
that is mythical, the portion which deals with the
brother's wife is so natural, and presents such a vivid
picture of Egyptian rural life, that there can be little
doubt that it is based on a real incident.
When once a name has become prominent in a
nation it tends, by a law of human nature, to gather to
itself all the appropriate stories known. One heard at
Harvard a generation ago stories told of the late Pro-
fessor Andrew P. Peabody, which a generation before
had been told in Germany of the absent-minded Pro-
fessor Neander. Before our eyes today stories are
1 For this material parallel to Joseph see G. A. Barton, Archaeology
and the Bible, Philadelphia, 1916, Part II, ch. x.
32 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
attaching themselves to Colonel Roosevelt which orig-
inally were told of others. It is not too much to sup-
pose that the stories known to us from the sources
quoted attached themselves to the name of Joseph, and
thus filled out to the later Israelites the figure of their
shadowy patriarch. This supposition, confirmed by
historical and legendary analogies, enables us to find in
the Joseph stories real history. It is not, it must be
confessed, the history of a real Hebrew patriarch, but
it is real history of Egypt and Palestine and of real men
in them. The history is recovered, too, by following
historical methods and historical analogies, and relieves
us from the necessity of supposing with Winckler that
Joseph is but a series of Tammuz myths, or with Jensen,
that he is a group of Gilgamesh myths.
Our pursuit of the origin of the Joseph-stories has
taken us far afield from the discussion of the tribal
history of the patriarchs. The accounts of the mar-
riages of the sons of Judah and of an episode In the
life of Judah himself in Genesis 38 may easily be under-
stood to be alliances made by that tribe with clans pre-
viously living in their territory. Judah in all the sub-
sequent history stood apart from the other Hebrew
tribes. That she formed in David's early reign and
after the time of Solomon a separate kingdom was in
part due to the larger element of Canaanlte blood in
her.
Similarly the story in Genesis 34 of Simeon and Levi ^
1 The story appears in two forms; one is by J and the other by a
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 33
represents an unsuccessful and treacherous attack of
those tribes on the ancient city. In this attack they
were practically annihilated and their kinsmen regarded
their punishment as just.^ According to the view that
the patriarchal stories are adumbrations of tribal his-
tory, the traditions which ascribe the birth of the
patriarchs Gad, Asher, Dan and Naphtali to slave
mothers may indicate that these tribes joined the Israel-
itish confederacy later than the union between the two
great groups of Leah and Rachel tribes. If this were
the case, these tribes probably came into the confed-
eracy after the settlement in Palestine, and were, pre-
sumably, Amorite or Canaanite tribes who were there
already. In the case of the tribe of Asher this sup-
position receives some confirmation from documents out-
side the Old Testament.
The father of Aziru, the Amorite, who wrote the let-
ters to Dudu quoted above, was named Ebed-Ashera,
Ashera being a goddess. Ebed-Ashera in his time was
in frequent war with Gebal, whose king, Rib-Adda, com-
plained to the king of Egypt in many letters pre-
served for us in the El-Amarna correspondence. Rib-
Adda sometimes calls the people over whom Ebed-
Ashera ruled Amorites (Amurru), sometimes the *' men
priestly writer. In the former Shechem appears on one side and
Simeon and Levi on the other; Shechem violates Dinah and the brothers
take terrible vengeance upon him. In the latter Hamor, the father of
Shechem proposes honourable marriage for his son with Dinah, and all
the sons of Jacob are represented as acting as one man. Cf. Carpenter
and Harford-Battersby, Hexateuch, London, 1900, p. 52 ff.
iGen. 49:5-7.
34 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
of Ebed-Ashera " and often the " sons of Ebed-
Ashera." It would be easy In course of time for the
Ebed to drop out and the tribe to be called " sons of
Ashera " or " sons of Asher." ^ As this tribe in the
period covered by the El-Amarna correspondence
(1400-1350 B. c.) was in the same region in which the
Hebrew tribe of Asher was afterward settled, it seems
probable that the Hebrew tribe was the same as the
earlier Amorite tribe. This would fit in well with the
conclusion to which the tribal interpretation of Jacob's
marriage points.
When the investigation moves back a generation in
the patriarchal genealogies, the same principle holds,
but new perplexities appear. It is clear that Esau is
the personification of the Edomite nation, and Israel
that of the nucleus of the Hebrews. Already in the
time of Merneptah there was an Israel, which was a
nation. Probably it consisted of the Leah tribes. But
the Hebrew patriarch is also called Jacob, and most
of the stories concerning him are told of him as Jacob.
There is reason to believe that the name Jacob had
an origin similar to the name Joseph.
In the reign of the Babylonian king, Apil-Sin (2161-
2144 B.C.), two witnesses to a contract, Shubna-ilu
and Yadakh-ilu, gave the name of their father as Yakub-
ilu or Jacob-el.2 ^ witness to another contract from
iSee, e.g., Schrader's KeiVuischriftliche Bibliothek, Nos. 53, 54, 55,
56, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 83, 84, 86, 88,
91, 92, 101.
2 Cuneiform Texts, etc., in the British Museum, IV, 33, 22b.
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 35
the same reign, Lamaz, had a Jacob-el as his father.^
In the reign of the next king, SIn-muballlt (2 143-2 124
B.C.), a witness named Nur-Shamash was the son of
Yakub-ilu, or Jacob-el,- while another witness, Siner-
blam, gave his father's name simply Yakub, or Jacob.^
Seven hundred years later Thothmes III records among
the names of cities which he conquered In Palestine a
city Ya'ke-b'-ra,'^ the Egyptian equivalent of Jacob-el.
The probability Is that some Babylonian who bore the
name migrated to the west, and In course of time a
city was named for him. Later, when the Hebrews set-
tled near this city, they took over the name of Its hero
In shortened form as a name for their eponymous an-
cestor. All the reasons quoted above for the name
Joseph apply here. Apart from stories of marriages
and friction with Esau, which denote tribal relations,
the one Important tale connected with Jacob Is his dream
at Bethel. This was one of the stories by which the
Hebrews justified to themselves their adoption of an
old Canaanltlsh shrine. The stories of Isaac seem. In
like manner, to be tales of alliance with Aramaeans,
and tales of shrines like that at Beersheba. We have
no extra Biblical material with which to compare them.
When the Investigator takes up the stories of Abra-
1 Meissner, Althabylonische Prwatrecht, 36, 25.
2 Cuneiform Texts, VIII, 25, 22.
3 Cuneiform Texts, II, 8, 26.
^ Mitteilungen der vorderasiatische Gesellschaft, 1907, p. 27.
The city seems to have been east of the Jordan and was, perhaps, the
same as Penuel, Gen. 32:31.
36 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
ham, moving back still a generation from the nation
Israel, he Is confronted with much material and with a
wealth of conflicting theories. Of course to Jensen
Abraham is a form of the Gllgamesh myth.^ To
Winckler and ZImmern Abraham is a moon god. The
reasons for this latter view have seemed convincing to
many. Abram, of which Abraham was but a variant
form, has been held to be of West Semitic origin and to
mean " exalted father." ^ It is really, as we shall see,
of Babylonian origin and has another meaning. Tra-
dition connected him with Harran and Ur, both seats
of the worship of the moon god. In Babylonian hymns
Sin, the moon god. Is frequently called Ab or father.^^
Sarah or Sarai, the name of Abraham's wife. Is the
Hebrew equivalent of sarratu, " queen," an epithet of
the consort of the moon god at Harran. Milcah,
Abraham's sister-in-law (Gen. 11, 29), is Malkatii, the
name of a consort of the sun god and perhaps also of
the moon god.^ These are some of the arguments
which seem to the adherents of this view conclusive. It
must be confessed that many of the stories told of
Abraham In Genesis are connected with shrines, and
would be explicable on this view. Their purpose was
undoubtedly to justify the use by Hebrews of the shrines
of Shechem, Bethel, Hebron, and Beersheba. This is
not, however, the whole of the matter. We have now
1 Gilgameshepos umi der IVeltliteratur, Leipsig, 1906, I, p. 256 ff.
- Briggs, Brown and Driver, Hebrew Lexicon, Oxford, 1906, p. 4.
■^ Cf. Journal of Biblical Literature, XXVIII, p. 166, n. 26.
* Schrader, Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, 3d ed., p. 364 ff.
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 37
evidence that Abraham was in Babylonia a personal
name. This evidence comes from Dilbad, a little
place about eight miles south of Borsippa, and consists
of some contracts in which an Abraham figures. Three
of the documents are here translated: ^
I
I ox, broken to the yoke, an ox of Ibni-Sin son of Sin-im-
gurani, from Ibni-Sin through the agency of Kishti-Nabium,
son of Eteru, Abarama, son of Awel-Ishtar, for i month has
hired. For i month i shekel of silver he will pay. Of it I/2
shekel of silver from the hand of Abarama Kishti-Nabium has
received.
The names of the witnesses then followed and the date,
which is the nth year of Ammizadugga, or 1967 B.C.
II
To the patrician speak saying, Gimil-Marduk (wishes that)
Shamash and Marduk may give thee health! Mayest thou
have peace, mayest thou have health! May the god who
protects thee keep thy head in good luck! (To inquire) con-
cerning thy health I am sending. May thy welfare before
Shamash and Marduk be eternal! Concerning the 400 sliars
of land, the field of Sin-idinam, which to Abarama, to lease,
thou hast sent; the land-steward and scribe appeared and on
behalf of Sin-idinam I took that up. The 400 shars of land
to Abarama as thou hast directed I have leased. Concerning
thy dispatches I shall not be negligent.
Ill
I shekel of silver, the rent of his field for the year that Am-
mizadugga, the king, (set up) a lordly, splendid statue (i. e.
1 For the whole group of documents, see Barton, Archaeology and the
Bible, Part II, ch. ix.
38 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Ammizadugga's 13th year), brought Abarama; received (it)
Sin-idinam and Iddatum. Month Siman, (May-June) 28th
day, the year Ammizadugga, the king (set up) a lordly, splendid
statue.
These documents are conclusive proof that Abarama,
or Abraham, was a personal name in Babylonia. The
name apparently meant, " He (f. c, some god) loves the
father." The Abraham revealed in these documents
was not the patriarch, but was a small farmer in Bab-
ylonia. His father was Awel-Ishtar, not Terah; his
brother, Iddatum, not Nahor. His existence, however,
shows that, just as in the cases of Jacob and Joseph, a
living person probably existed far back in history about
whose name stories, gathered from various quarters,
afterward clustered.
That such a person may have migrated from Bab-
ylonia to Palestine, as the Biblical patriarch is said to
have done, is clearly attested by an interesting little
contract from Sippar, which reads as follows: ^
A wagon from Mannum-balum-Shamash, son of Shelibia,
Khabilkinum, son of Appanibi on a lease for i year has hired.
As a yearly rental % of a shekel of silver he shall pay. As the
first of the rent % of a shekel of silver he has received. Unto
the land of Kittim he shall not drive it. (After the names of
the witnesses comes the date.) Month Ulul, day 25th, the
year the king as a friend protected Erech from the flood of the
river.
1 See Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Part II, ch. ix.
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 39
The date of this interesting document has not been
identified with certainty, but it probably comes from the
reign of Shamsuiluna (2080-2043 B.C.). The coun-
try Kittim mentioned in it is the Mediterranean coast,
which was sometimes so called by the Hebrews (cf. Jer.
2: 10, and Eze. 27: 6). The interesting thing is that
intercourse between the Babylonian city of Sippar and
the Mediterranean coast was so frequent when this con-
tract was made, that a man could not lease his wagon
for a year without running the risk that it might be
driven to the Mediterranean coast lands. It was in a
period of such frequent intercourse that some Joseph-el
and Jacob-el migrated from Babylonia and gave their
names to Palestinian cities. And it would seem that
some Babylonian Abraham may have done the same,
for Sheshonk I., of the twenty-second Egyptian dynasty
(the Shishak of the Bible), records as one of the places
captured by him in Palestine a place called " The field
of Abram." ^ This place would seem to have been in
southern Judah. It would seem quite as likely that a
Babylonian Abraham may have given his name to the
place in the same way that a Jacob-el and a Joseph-el
did, and that, after Hebrews had settled in the country,
they took his name over, just as they did the other two,
as to suppose that the name Abraham originated in an
epithet of a moon god.
One cannot well refuse to believe that many of the
stories connected with Abraham grew up in Palestine
1 See Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, pp. 352, 353.
40 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
around certain shrines. They were the Instruments by
which Israel justified her use of these shrines. Other
stories, like that In Genesis i8, 19, arose as the expla-
nation of natural phenomena, such as the existence of
the Impressive gorge of the Dead Sea, and probably In
their earliest form had no connection with Abraham.
One can hardly believe, In view of all the evidence pre-
sented, that Abraham was the real ancestor of all the
peoples said to be descended from him, any more than
he can believe that all Egyptians were descended from
one, MIzralm, but it Is no longer unthinkable that the
stories collected about Abraham have been attached to
the name of a real man, who once migrated from
Babylonia.^
The evidence passed In review indicates that the patri-
archal narratives represent a combination of the move-
ments and alliances of tribes, and of traditions connected
with certain shrines and places. While they are not,
as formerly supposed, to be taken literally as the expe-
riences and fortunes of Individuals, they nevertheless
portray certain tribal and historical facts, which they
have grouped around the names of certain famous
Amorites who once migrated into Palestine and gave
their names to certain of its localities.
This view does not seriously affect the religious value
of the stories. That value was always greater in some
cases than In others. The J writer related the incl-
1 For a discussion of the much debated fourteenth chapter of Genesis,
see G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Part II, ch. ix-
THE VALUE OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVES 41
dents mainly for the Interest of the story itself. The
religious lesson that the story teaches was often made
prominent by him, but, if the story was interesting, he
did not withhold it even if its religious suggestion was
slight. In E the religious interest is more generally
manifest; in P it is predominant. The religious lessons
conveyed by means of these narratives and the religious
spirit by which they are pervaded are only made more
prominent by the historical method of study.^
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. The Literary Analysis of the Book of Genesis; cf. S. R.
Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament,
9th ed., New York, 19 14, pp. 5-21 ; J. Estlin Carpenter and G.
Harford-Battersby, The Hexateuch, London, 1900, Vol. I,
chaps, i and xiv; Vol. I, pp. 1-79.
2. Classification of the Narratives of Genesis according to the
Source from which they came, such as the Wilderness, the
Canaanites, Babylonia, etc. ; cf . L. B. Paton, " Oral Sources of
the Patriarchal Narratives " in the American Journal of The-
ology, VIII (1904), pp. 658-682; J. P. Peters, Early Hebrew
Story, its Historical Background, New York and London, 1904,
chaps, iii— v.
3. Babylonian Parallels to the Accounts of the Creation and
Flood; cf. G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Philadel-
phia, 1916, Part II, chaps, i-viii ; R. W. Rogers, Cuneiform
Parallels to the Old Testament, New York, 19 12, pp. 3-60 and
90-113.
4. Abraham and Archaeology; cf. G. A. Barton, Archaeology
1 See, for a demonstration of this, G. A. Barton, The Roots of Chris-
tian Teaching as Found in the Old Testament, Philadelphia, 1902.
42 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
and the Bible, Part II, ch. ix; M. G. Kyle, The Deciding Voice
of the Monuments in Biblical Criticism, Oberlln, Ohio, 191 2,
ch. xi and passim; and G. A. Barton, " Higher Archaeology and
the Verdict of Criticism " in the Journal of Biblical Literature,
Vol XXXII (1913), pp. 244-260.
5. Archaeological Parallels to the Stories of Joseph; cf. G. A.
Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Part II, ch. x; W. M.
Flinders Petrie, Egyptian Tales, second series, London, 1895,
p. 36 ff.
CHAPTER III
THE ORIGIN OF THE ISRAELITISH NATION
Hebrew Tribes came together in Different Groups — Archaeological
Evidence for this — Evidence in Old Testament — Leah Tribes En-
tered Palestine from South in Fourteenth Century b. c— Rachel
Tribes in Egypt — Entered Palestine from East about 1200 B. c. —
Religion of the Separate Tribes.
In tracing the steps by which the religion of Israel
sprang up, grew, and blessed the world, it is helpful
first to gain a clear idea of the origin of the Israelitish
people. If the facts set forth in the preceding chapter
are valid, the traditional view, which traces the ancestry
of all the tribes to Abraham, who was himself a mono-
theist and a worshipper of Yahweh, has to be modified.
The tribes came together in different groups and pos-
sibly from different directions. Whence did they come?
When did they respectively arrive in Palestine? Were
they all originally worshippers of the same God?
These are some of the questions that press for answer
before the modern student of the Bible can feel his feet
upon firm ground. It has been shown in the preceding
chapter that there are two distinctly marked groups of
tribes, each with its own totemistic or economic symbol,
the Leah tribes and the Rachel tribes. The traditions
mark the difference between these groups as radical.
43
4-4 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
If we judge by the documents of the Hexateuch, there
was to some degree a religious difference also. The J
document, composed in Judah, one of the Leah tribes,
prefers the name Yahweh for God, and represents the
worship of Yahweh as beginning in the earliest times
(Gen. 4: 26). The E document, written in Ephraim,
one of the Rachel tribes, prefers the name EloJum for
God, and has an account of how the name Yahweh was
revealed first in the time of Moses (Ex. 3: 1-14).
This difference points to a difference in religious history
and tradition.
The difference thus suggested receives striking sup-
port from archaeology. The El-Amarna letters show
that in the time of Amenophis IV of the eighteenth
Egyptian dynasty about 1375-1360, a people called
Habiri was struggling for the possession of the coun-
try around Jerusalem.^ At the same time a people was
overrunning the northern part of Palestine whom the
kings of Gebal and neighbouring districts designate by
the ideogram SA-GAZ, which sometimes means plun-
derers, but which a tablet found at Baghas Koi, the old
Hittlte capital in Asia Minor, equates with Habiru.^
Habiru is phonetically equivalent to Ihri, Hebrew,
and the evidence of these letters is that Hebrews were
struggling for the possession of both northern and
southern Palestine at this time. It has already been
pointed out in the preceding chapter that the tribe of
1 See G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Part II, ch. xv.
2 See Mitteilungen der deutschen Orientgesellschaft, No. 35, p. 25, note.
THE ORIGIN OF THE ISRAELITISH NATION 45
Asher was probably also present in northern Palestine
at that period.^ Seti I and Ramses II, of the nine-
teenth dynasty, mention a land Isr which many scholars
believe to be Asher, and hold that we have confirmation
in this way that Asher continued during the nineteenth
dynasty to reside in northern Palestine.
On the other hand, it has long been recognized that
the story of the oppression of Israel in Egypt in Ex. i
and 2, which is made up of a combination of J and E
narratives, shows a belief that Israel was in Egypt dur-
ing the time of Ramses II (i 292-1 225 B. c.) and that
Ramses was the Pharaoh of the oppression. The He-
brews are said to have built for him the cities of Pithom
and Raamses (Ex. i: 11). Naville in 1883, in exca-
vating the mound Tell el-Maskhuta, discovered the city
Pi-tum, and the cartouch of Ramses in the inscriptions
found there shows that the city was either built or re-
built by him. The name of the neighbouring city,
Raamses, is in itself evidence that the text points to the
reign of this king. If Ramses II was the oppressor of
the Hebrews, then the Exodus could not have occurred
until the reign of his successor, Merneptah (i 225-121 5
B. c), who was a less vigorous ruler than Ramses, or
until some later period. It has been customary in many
circles in recent years to regard Merneptah as the
Pharaoh of the Exodus. This, however, involves us in
a difficulty. In a hymn of victory, set up in Mernep-
tah's fifth year, when he had come off victorious in wars
J See above, p. 33 f*
46 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
with all his enemies, he mentions Israel as one of the
nations of Palestine. The reference is made as though
Israel was one of the old residents of the region.^
In a number of Egyptian texts there is mention of a
people called ^-pw-r, which Chabas suggested might be
the Egyptian form of ' Ihri, Hebrews. Many scholars
have hesitated to accept this view, but there Is much to
be said in its favour. These people are mentioned not
only in the reign of Ramses II, but in the reigns of
Ramses III (1198-1167 B. c.) and Ramses IV (1167-
1161 B.C.). It would seem, therefore, that we have
evidence that the Hebrews were in Palestine and in
Egypt at the same time. How Is this contradiction to
be explained? ^
The suggestion has been made by several scholars
that the two main groups of tribes, the Leah group and
the Rachel group, did not enter Palestine at the same
time, but that the Leah group entered that country in
the time of the eighteenth Egyptian dynasty, and the
Rachel group in the time of the nineteenth or twentieth
dynasties. Thus, and thus only, can the evidence be-
fore us be harmonized, and it Is probable that this Is the
historical fact. According to this view the Leah tribes
were first called Israel and the Rachel tribes only were
In Egypt. The nation was never welded together into
1 See J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, Vol. Ill, § 617, or Bar-
ton, Archaeology and the Bible, Part II, ch. xii, § 2, p. 311.
2 For a fuller discussion of these facts see L. B. Paton in the Biblical
World, Vol. XLVI, 82-88, to whose article the writer is greatly in-
debted.
THE ORIGIN OF THE ISRAELITISH NATION 47
one whole until the time of David and Solomon. This
view is confirmed by much in the Old Testament nar-
ratives, when they are analysed into their original docu-
ments.
It appears from both the J and E narratives in Ex-
odus that the Hebrews formed but a small community
in Egypt. According to J they all lived in Goshen and
could be easily assembled to hear a message from Moses
(Gen. 45: 10; Ex. 4: 20; 8: 22) ; according to E they
were so small a community that two mid-wives could
control the birth-rate among them (Ex. i : 15). These
accounts presuppose a smaller group of people than the
twelve tribes, and tend to justify the supposition that
there were but two.
Another striking fact is the presence of two tradi-
tions, one of a sojourn at Kadesh, and the other of a
sojourn at Sinai, which the later compilers of tradition
were unable to harmonize. In the E document, Ex.
15:25b, there is a fragment, inserted just after the
crossing of the Red Sea, which explains the origin of
the name Massa, ''proving," which is the same as
Meribah, "place of strife" (Ex. 17:7; Dt. 33:8).
But Meribah is the same as Kadesh (Nu. 27:14).
After this mention of Kadesh in Ex. 15:25b, the ac-
count resumes the march to Sinai, but In Ex. 17: 7, the
mention of Massah-Merlbah shows that we are back at
Kadesh again. In Ex. 17:8-16 Israel fights with
Amalek at Sinai, but Amalek is the enemy that attacked
Israel at Kadesh (Nu. 14:45)- In Ex. 18 Moses at
48 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Sinai appointed Judges, but this happened at Kadesh
(Nu. ii:i6ff.)- Still other inconsistencies arising
from the confusion of the two places might be gathered
from the pages of the Pentateuch. The most natural
reason for this failure of the Biblical writers success-
fully to combine the narratives of Sinai and Kadesh is
the supposition that these two places were the rendez-
vous of two different groups of tribes, who centred in
these respective places at two different times, and whose
sojourns the compiler of the Pentateuch, having lost the
historical perspective, strove unsuccessfully to regard as
the successive sojourns of the same people.
Kadesh was the centre of the Leah tribes, for accord-
ing to Nu. 21 : 1-3, Jud. 1:17 and the genealogies of
Chronicles these tribes invaded Canaan from the south.
Sinai, on the other hand, belongs to the Rachel tribes,
who entered Palestine from the east. Thus in the song
of Deborah, which was written in the north, Yahweh is
said to come from Sinai (Jud. 5:5), and in the stories
of Elijah, which took literary form in Ephraim, Elijah
is said to have gone to Sinai to meet with Yahweh ( i
Kgs. 19: 8). In the traditions of the stay at Kadesh
the Leah tribes, Reuben and Levi, are especially men-
tioned, while Joseph is conspicuously absent. Joshua,
the Ephraimite leader, is also not mentioned in the ac-
counts of Kadesh which come from J, E, and D. His
name is inserted only in the later P document. We con-
clude, then, that the Leah tribes, called Israel, made the
spring of Kadesh their rendezvous before they invaded
THE ORIGIN OF THE ISRAELITISH NATION 49
Palestine from the south In the time of Egypt's eight-
eenth dynasty, while It was the Rachel tribes, who first
sojourned at SInal and afterward Invaded Palestine
from the east.
The narratives of the conquest that are embedded
In the Biblical documents likewise bear out this view.
As already noted, Nu. 21 : 1-3 and Jud. i : 1-20 con-
tain an account of an Invasion of Palestine from the
south by " Israel," or, more specifically, by Judah and
Simeon. In Jud. 1:1 the phrase " after the death of
Joshua " Is the addition of a later editor. Removing
this we have a similar account (Jud. i : 1-20) of how
Judah and Simeon went up.^ Israel was not united, but
the tribes went up singly or In small groups to fight each
for Its own abiding place. They successfully fought
Adonl-Bezek, who was apparently a king of Jerusalem.
The Caleblte and Kennlzlte clans took Hebron and the
region around It, and a certain Kenlte or certain Ken-
Ites moved In and mingled with the tribe of Judah.
The later narrator recognizes the connection of this
clan with Moses by marriage. The thirty-eighth chap-
ter of Genesis relates the marriages of Judah and his
sons with various Canaanltlsh women. Interpreting
this on the principles laid down In the preceding chap-
ter, It Is clear that this conquest of the highlands of
Judaea did not result In the expulsion of all the tribes
who were previously there. Alliances were made with
1 The first chapter of Judges, with the exception of a few editorial
additions, is an excerpt from the J document.
50 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
them and they were gradually absorbed. The remain-
der of Judges I is occupied with accounts of how other
tribes fought singly for standing room In Palestine, and
records their varying successes. None of them suc-
ceeded In driving out all of the Canaanltes, but these
dwelt long In their midst and were absorbed only
gradually.
The book of Joshua Is composed of four strands, J,
E, D, and P.^ The J narrative In Joshua contains sev-
eral passages that are parallel, and almost Identical with
parts of Judges i. These are Joshua 13: 13; 15: 14-
19, 63; 16: 1-3, 10; 17: 11-18; 19; 47. This, with
the E narrative, represents the tribes as going up singly
or In small groups to fight for their Inheritances, though
here they are all represented as having entered Pales-
tine from the east. Joshua was the leader only of the
Rachel tribes. According to these narratives the He-
brews did not expel all the previous Inhabitants of the
land, nor even conquer them all, but settled among them
and gradually absorbed them.
The D and P narratives of Joshua represent Joshua
as having completely conquered Palestine, including the
Philistine plain, and as assigning by lot their portion to
the different tribes, and even the Levitlcal cities to the
Levites.
Of these three groups of narratives one cannot hesl-
1 The student should look up the text of these documents in Carpenter
and Harford-Battersby's Hexateuch, London, 1900, Vol. II, pp. 320-359,
or Bennett's Joshua in Paul Haupt's Sacred Books of the Old Testament,
New York, 1899.
THE ORIGIN OF THE ISRAELITISH NATION 5 1
tate, In view of the archaeological evidence, to regard
that of Nu. 21: 1-3 and Jud. i: 1-20^ as the more
historical. All critical scholars agree In regarding the
view presented In D and P, that the land was wholly
conquered and divided by Joshua, as unhlstorlcal. It
shows how religious men of a later time thought events
ought to have transpired. It Is contradicted by too
many facts In the older narratives to be accepted. The
JE account of Joshua forms an Intermediate stage be-
tween that of Nu. 21 : 1-3, etc., and the later D and P
picture. The earlier historical fact of the separate at-
tack and partial conquest Is In the JE portions of Joshua
recalled and recorded, but the fact that a part of the
tribes entered from the south had already been lost
sight of .^
Thus, when studied In the light of historical analysis,
the Biblical documents, like the archaeological facts,
point to the conclusion that the Leah tribes entered Pal-
estine first, and that they came, at least In part, from
the south, while the Rachel tribes came later from the
east.
If this be so, the Rachel tribes were not fused with
the Leah tribes until after the latest comers, the Rachel
tribes, had entered Palestine, i. e., some time about
1 Many scholars take "the City of Palm Trees" in Jud. i: 16 to refer
to Jericho. It is not so certain, however, but that some city in the
south may have been intended.
2 See the excellent discussion by Paton in the Biblical JVorld, Vol.
XLVI, 173-180. Also his discussion of the whole subject in the Journal
of Biblical Literature, Vol. XXXII, pp. 1-53.
52 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
1 200 B. c. or later. The date of this event cannot be
accurately fixed. If the *-pw-r of the Egyptian inscrip-
tions were Hebrews, some of them remained in Egypt
until the reign of Ramses IV, 11 67-1 161 B.C. It is
hardly possible that the Rachel tribes really left
Egypt as late as this, for the song of Deborah (Jud. 5)
bears witness to the fact that Ephraim and Machir, a
clan of the tribe of Manasseh, were well settled in Pal-
estine before the time of Deborah, and the events de-
scribed in this song cannot well be placed much later
than 1 100 B. c. On the other hand, it is possible that
the men whom Moses persuaded to follow him out of
Egypt, and who became the Rachel tribes of history,
did not constitute the whole body of '-pw-r who were
settled there. Some of them may have remained, pre-
ferring the assured plenty of Egyptian life to the un-
certain fortunes of the desert adventure. If this were
so, the Exodus may have occurred before the time of
Ramses IV.
Whenever the exodus from Egypt occurred and the
final fusion of the Israelitish tribes into one whole be-
gan, the problem of the nature of their religion before
the time of Moses becomes an interesting one. As they
were all Semitic tribes, it may be assumed that their gods
were related to those early Semitic deities whose wor-
ship was shaped by the desert and oasis life. It may
probably be assumed that, like other early clans, they
were henotheists and had each its own god. One or
two divine names have survived which bear out to some
THE ORIGIN OF THE ISRAELITISH NATION 53
degree this assumption. If the tribe of Asher origi-
nated as has been supposed above/ the name goes back
ultimately to the goddess Ashera, a goddess practically
identical In character with Astarte (Ashtart^). Since
Ebed-Ashera bore a name which means " servant of the
goddess Ashera," it seems a fair inference that this god-
dess was worshipped by his clan, and there is at present
nothing known which contradicts this inference. The
letters of Aziru, the son of Ebed-Ashera, in the El-
Amarna correspondence, mention no other deity. We
assume, then, that the tribe Asher had originally a god-
dess Ashera.
Similarly the tribe of Gad would appear to have had
a god Gad. True the name of this god is mentioned
but once, and that In a late text (Isa. 65 : 11), where he
appears as a god of fortune, but the name identifies him
with the tribe of Gad. It has happened many times in
the history of religion, that the god of one tribe or city,
when that tribe or city was merged in a larger and a
complex political entity, became but one of many gods,
and the later feeling for religious unity, which grew out
of political unity, resulted In the assignment of special
functions to such a god. Thus a god that had at one
time done all that a tribe was thought to need a super-
natural friend to do for It, might become the god of
the rain, or the air, or of the dew, or of fortune. Such
1 See above, p. 33 f.
2 See Barton, A Sketch of Semitic Origins, Social arid Religious,
New York, 1902, p. 246 f.
54 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
analogies lead us to suppose that the god Gad was once
the deity of the tribe of the same name.
The names of no other deities have survived that can
be connected with any particular tribe of Israelites. It
Is only because of analogy that we assume that they
probably had such deities. The name of one other
deity, Meni, a goddess of fortune, appears In Isa.
65 : II, but the name cannot be connected with any tribe.
A study of Hebrew proper names reveals the fact that
In the early periods of the history a number of divine
names were popular. Such were Ab, " father," Melek,
" king," JdSn, " lord," Ba'al, " owner " or " lord," El,
" god," but these are mere epithets that might be ap-
plied to any deity, and It is by no means certain that
where they occur they do not refer to Yahweh. There
are also two or three divine names known to us outside
of proper names, such as Eloah, " god," of which Elo-
him is the plural, Shaddai, " the mountain deity," or
" mighty one," and Elyon, " the exalted one." These,
too, may all refer to Yahweh. Elyon, which Is charac-
teristic of late Biblical texts, certainly refers to him.
Possibly some one of these tribes had a deity Moth
or Maiveth. At all events In i Chron. 6: 25 we find
a name Ahl-moth, " My brother Is Moth," and In 2
Sam. 23:31 ( also I Chr. 11 : 33 ) the name Azmaweth,
"Moth Is mighty." If, however, there was such a
deity, all other traces of his existence In Israel have
disappeared. It is probable that the religion of the
Hebrew tribes before the time of Moses was of the
THE ORIGIN OF THE ISRAELITISH NATION 55
same general nature as the worship of other Semitic
tribes, and that each had one or more deities. Whether
any two of them worshipped the same god, we cannot
now say. Possibly the Leah tribes did so. Whether
this god was Yahweh or not, will be treated in the next
chapter.
Since the Hebrew tribes had many of them migrated
from place to place, it is probable that there was at the
beginning of their united history some degree of syn-
cretism in their religion. But their religious ideas must,
in any case, have been as unorganized and confused as
was their political life.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. The Evidence for the Formation of the Hebrew Nation;
cf. L. B. Paton, in the Biblical World, Vol. XLVI, pp. 82-88,
173-180, and in the Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol.
XXXII, pp. 1-53.
2. The Religion of Israel before Moses ; cf . J. P. Peters, The
Religion of the Hebrews, Boston, 19 14, ch. iii.
CHAPTER IV
MOSES AND THE COVENANT WITH YAHWEH
Rachel Tribes made Covenant with Yahweh — Moses — Yahweh God
of the Kenite-Midianites — Name of Yahweh in Arabia — Nature
of Kenite Yahweh — Moses' Experience of Yahweh — Bearing of
Covenant on Ethical Development — The Decalogue of this Pe-
riod— The Spread of Yahweh's Worship to Other Tribes — Hy-
potheses, not Certainty.
In the preceding chapter reasons have been given for
beheving that the Leah tribes settled in Palestine be-
tween 1400 and 1350 B. c, and that the Rachel tribes
were the ones who settled for a time in Egypt, came out
in that Exodus of which the Old Testament says so
much, sojourned for a time at Sinai, and afterward en-
tered Palestine from the east. In the course of this
discussion it was noted that the earliest document of the
Rachel tribes, the E document,^ contains a distinct ac-
count of the revelation of the name Yahweh to Moses
(Ex. 3: 1-14), while the Judaean document J assumes
that the name had been known from the time of the
grandson of Adam (Gen. 4: 26). Both documents re-
cord, however, the fact that, in the time of Moses,
1 The E writer adopted his favourite term, Elohitn, for God from the
Canaanites in whose land he settled. The writer showed in the Pro-
ceedings of the American Oriental Society, 1892, pp. 196-199, that
the Canaanites of the El-Amarna period already used this plural as a
singular.
56
MOSES AND THE COVENANT WITH YAHWEH 57
Israel entered Into a distinct covenant to serve Yahweh,
whereby Yahweh became the God of the nation. It re-
mains to state more clearly the historical facts which led
to the exclusion of other gods from Israel and the con-
centration of Its worship upon Yahweh.
The convergence of the Hebrew traditions upon
Moses as the man who gave the Initial Impulse to the
worship of Yahweh In Israel mark him out as the
emancipator of the Rachel tribes, and the one who In-
troduced, at least to this portion of Israel, the religion
of Yahweh. The fact that Hebrews keenly suffered In
Egypt, that deliverance came through Moses, that faith
for the accomplishment of It was aroused by his preach-
ing of Yahweh, that they proceeded to SInal and a cov-
enant was made between Yahweh and Israel, which
became the basis of Israel's subsequent religion, are
facts that were sufficiently burned Into the national con-
sciousness of Israel to be attested by all her future lit-
erature. Without them the later religious history
would be Inexplicable.
While these fundamental facts stand out clearly
through the haze of tradition, there Is less certainty as
to details. Naturally when the written records come
from a period so much later, absolute historical cer-
tainty cannot be secured In dealing with details. We
can discern certain outlines which are probably true, but
in drawing these outlines It must ever be borne in mind
that they are not historical certainties, but at the most,
probable hypotheses.
58 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
/
"^ One such hypothesis, which has in the last thirty
years won for Itself a large acceptance among scholars,
is that Yahweh was the deity of the Kenites, a part of
whose habitat was a volcanic mountain,^ that it was
there that Moses learned of his worship, and that the
covenant at that mountain was the introduction into
Israel of the worship of a god who had previously been
the tribal god of the Kenite-MIdlanites. The reasons
for this view are In part: (i) That it was at Horeb
that Moses first learned of the name of Yahweh — a
name that was previously unknown to him (see Exod.
3 : 2-14) . In the ancient East the introduction of a new
name meant the introduction of a new deity. (2)
That after the exodus from Egypt and the arrival at
Horeb it was Jethro, Moses' father-in-law, the priest
of MIdlan, who offered to Yahweh the first sacrifice in
which Hebrews participated. Moses, Aaron, and all
the elders of Israel were present and participated In the
sacrificial festival which followed (Exod. 18:12).
Apparently Jethro was Initiating the Hebrews Into the
worship of the new deity. Then followed the covenant
between Yahweh and Israel. This was sealed by a sac-
rificial feast without Jethro, at which were Moses,
1 This volcanic mountain can hardly have been the traditional Sinai,
at the apex of the Sinaitic peninsula, as there has been no volcanic
activity there within the historic period. It is probable that it was a
mountain to the east of the Gulf of Akabah. A volcano to the north
of the city of Medina was active as late as 1256 a. D. ; see Studies in
the History of Religions presented to Crawford Hoivell Toy by Pupils,
Colleagues and Friends, New York, 1912, p. 197 f.
MOSES AND THE COVENANT WITH YAHWEH 59
Aaron, and seventy elders of Israel (Exod. 24: 9-1 1).
These traditions, which come in part from the J docu-
ment and in part from the E document, our oldest
sources, embody apparently Israel's earliest recollection
of these events, and indicate clearly that Yahweh was
a tribal god of the Kenite-Midianites before he became
the covenant God of the Rachel tribes.^
Is it possible to penetrate farther into the past and
discern anything of the previous history of Yahweh?
Information which has come to light in recent years
makes it probable that the name Yahweh was known
In Babylonia about 2000 B. c, where it formed a part
of certain proper names. This was seven hundred
years or more before Moses. The same name appears
there again in the fourteenth century B. c, and was also
In the same century an element of a proper name in
Palestine. These names come from the century before
Moses. It also appears to form a part of the name of
an Aramaean king of Hamath in the eighth century B. c.
The Babylonians who bore these names were foreigners,
having moved to that country from elsewhere, and
analogy with other Semitic migrations would lead us to
believe that they migrated from some part of north
Arabia. The Kenite-Midianites had their habitat in
that very region, roaming from the peninsula of
1 For fuller statements of this view see Budde, The Religion of
Israel to the Exile, New York, 1899, chap, i; Barton, A Sketch of Semitic
Origins, New York, 1902, pp. 272 f., 275 f . ; and Hastings, Dictionary of
the Bible in One Volume, New York, 1907, p. 410.
6o THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Sinai on the west far into the heart of Arabia on the
east.^ It accordingly seems probable that for hundreds
of years the name Yahweh may have been known in
north Arabia and that emigrants from this region had
carried it into Babylonia and Palestine before the time
of Moses.
The Yahweh of this ancient time, as an Arabian
tribal god, was believed to give the tribe its life and
to do whatever a supernatural being could do for his
people. Like other Semitic tribal deities he was be-
lieved especially to preside over the functions of life.
He "opened the womb" (Gen. 29:31; 30:22; 49:
25 ; Exod. 13 : 2 ; Ps. 127 : 3), or " shut up the womb "
(I Sam. I : 5, 6). So sacred were the genitals to him
that oaths by Yahweh were taken upon them (Gen.
24 : 2 ) .2 It was he who caused grass and trees to grow ;
who caused volcanoes to upheave (Gen. 19: 24; Exod.
19: 18) ; who manifested himself in cloud and thunder
and lightning (Ps. 18: 7 ff.; Judg. 5:4; Ezek. i: 4 ff.;
Hab. 3: 4 ff. ; Job. 38: i; Sam. 7: 10; Job 38: 25).
These were natural activities which every Semitic tribe
1 For further details see the writer's article, " Yahweh before Moses,"
in Studies in the History of Religion presented to Craivford Hoivell Toy,
New York, 1912, and the numerous references to other literature there
given.
2 Probably the name Yahweh originated in the Arabic dialect spoken
by these tribes, coming from the verb ha^iya, " to love passionately," or
"desire," meaning "He who causes to desire." (See the discussions
by the present writer, cited above.) The writer of Exod. 3:14 natu-
rally, at a later time, took it for a Hebrew word and explained it
accordingly. Many other explanations of it have been offered by dif-
ferent writers.
MOSES AND THE COVENANT WITH YAHWEH 6 1
that lived in a region of volcanoes and rain attributed
to its deity. One other function apparently was at-
tributed to Yahweh in these early days: he was thought
to be a god of war. In ancient wars the gods of the
contending tribes were thought to contend as really as
their worshippers. The struggle was in the last anal-
ysis a supernatural one. Any victory achieved was the
triumph of the deity of the victorious tribe. The Ken-
ite-Midianites appear to have become a terror to the
tribes about them, and to his other functions their god
naturally added those of a god of battles. A later
hymn in speaking of the Exodus declares : " Yahweh
is a man of war " (Exod. 15:3), and one of his pre-
eminent titles was " Lord of hosts " or " armies."
Probably it was his reputation for giving victory that
attracted the oppressed Hebrews to him, and when the
promises that Moses made in his name had been ful-
filled and they actually found themselves free from
Egypt they entered into covenant with him, that he
should be their God.
There is no reason to believe that Yahweh in this
early Kenite period differed materially from other Sem-
itic gods. His worship was no more ethical than
theirs. Down to a much later time he was worshipped
in connection with pillars and Asherahs, which were in
part sexual symbols, and it would be difficult in this
early time to distinguish the ceremonial of his festivals
from the festivals of those nomadic tribes who wor-
shipped other gods, or whose deity was the great Sem-
62 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
itic goddess.^ Like other Semitic and Egyptian gods
of fertility he required circumcision of his worshippers,
and also demanded animal sacrifice.
In the thirteenth century B. C. the spiritual period of
religious and ethical conception had not yet begun.
We do not find It In any race until about the eighth
century B. c. The religious life of early peoples was
much like that of children, who experience the psycho-
logical emotions of religion with intensity, but whose
interpretations are objective and anthropomorphic. If
the traditions of Exod., chap. 3, may be taken as a
guide, Moses in his experience of Yahweh at the burn-
ing bush gained a personal Impression of the power and
awe of Yahweh that possessed his whole being. He
went to proclaim to his brethren, with an enthusiasm
and unction born of very great awe, Yahweh as a
deliverer. No doubt the personal conviction created
by his own Impressive experience was a dominant factor
in enabling him to kindle in the minds of his kinsfolk
a faith in the living might of Yahweh suflficlent to pro-
duce action. Thus in the person of the great founder
of Israel's religion there became effective, we cannot
but believe, those forces which arise from a personal
experience of God. They took the childlike form ap-
propriate to an immature period of human develop-
ment, but none the less did they mightily impress the
soul with the majesty and awfulness of Yahweh and that
terrible quality called holiness — a quality which at that
1 See the writer's Sketch of Semitic Origins, New York, 1902, p. 289 ff.
MOSES AND THE COVENANT WITH YAHWEH 63
period of religious thought was not yet ethical, but was
conceived as a sort of divine electricity with which it
was dangerous for one not Initiated to tamper.^ In
lesser degree the experience of Moses was probably
shared by his followers. The awe and power were kept
frequently before them in the storm and the lightning.
The thunder with all its terrors was thought to be Yah-
weh's voice.^ Thus from the beginning there was im-
pressed upon the adherents of the new religion that
conception of Yahweh's awfulness and majesty, which
at a later time was destined to reinforce in the Hebrew
conscience high ethical ideals.
In this covenant between Yahweh and Israel con-
summated at Horeb lay the possibilities of future ethi-
cal development. The fact that at a definite period of
national life — a period ever well remembered — Yah-
weh had taken Israel for his people placed their mutual
relations upon quite a different footing than the rela-
tions which existed between any other god and his wor-
shippers. Semitic deities generally were believed to be
bound to their worshippers by ties of kinship — ties
that were thought to be indissoluble. A Semitic god of
this sort was like an Arab sheik: he might not like what
his tribesmen did; he might even sulk and leave them
for a while to their fate ; but in the end he was compelled
to come to their rescue, for If he did not he would be
1 See W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, 2d ed., London, 1894, pp.
141 ff., 450 ff.
2 Cf. I Sam. 7:10; Ps. 104:7.
64 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
cast out Into the world alone. He would not only be
a sheik no longer, but could not even keep alive. So a
god who did not rescue his human kinsfolk, however
unethical their conduct, would no longer be a god.
There was little possibility that such religion could ever
become ethical.
The covenant at Horeb placed the religion of the
Hebrews upon an entirely different basis. Yahweh
was related to his Hebrew worshippers, not by kinship,
but by contract. If they did not fulfil their part of the
contract, they could not expect him to fulfil his. He
had chosen one people; he could cast them off and
choose another. He was bound by no indissoluble ties;
his fate was not inevitably linked with that of but one
people. In this fact lay the possibilities of Israel's ethi-
cal and spiritual progress. Interpreting as the prophets
of a later time did this covenant as of ethical and spir-
itual content, they differentiated the religion of Israel
from the other religions of the world and made it the
earliest beacon of humanity's highest destiny.
The potentialities of this covenant for ethical and
spiritual advance lay in part in the fact that at the mo-
ment it was not put in written form, but was committed
to tradition. That It was not at once committed to
writing is clear from the wide divergence of opinion In
later times as to what the real content of the covenant
was. The author of the J document held the basis of
the covenant to be the ten ritualistic commands of Exod.
34: 14-28; the writer of the E document, the agrlcul-
MOSES AND THE COVENANT WITH YAHWEH 65
tural code of Exod. 20:24-23:19; the Deuterono-
mist, that expansion of E's code into which a new
humanitarian tone and greater definiteness of ritual had
been read, which we now find in Deut, chaps. 12-26;
the priestly writer believed it to be the great body of
ceremonial law which fills the last part of Exodus and
all of Leviticus and Numbers; while to the great proph-
ets Amos, Hosea, Micah, and Jeremiah the essence of
this covenant did not lie in ceremony at all, but in thor-
ough fidelity of heart to Yahweh exhibited in a life of
ethical justice and purity among men. The covenant
became of creative significance because it was sufficiently
grand and awful to be inspiring, and sufficiently vague
to bear reinterpretation and become a moving ideal —
a flying goal.
Of the various " codes " referred to, that in Exod.
34: 14-28, often called by scholars the " Decalogue of
J," is on many accounts more likely to represent with
approximate fidelity the content of the covenant in the
time of Moses than any of the others. This is prob-
able (i) because it consists for the most part of simple
ritualistic requirements appropriate to the habits and
ideas of a nomadic people of that age and country; (2)
because the other codes all contain agricultural provi-
sions which presuppose a settled agricultural life and
are inappropriate to the nomadic period at which the
covenant originated; (3) because these requirements
were arranged in ten simple sentences which were easily
carried in the memory and which could be checked off
66 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
on the fingers; and (4) because these provisions are
found In all the other codes, and are the only provisions
which run through all four Pentateuchal documents.^
These ten rqulrements, when separated from their pres-
ent literary setting, appear probably to have been as
follows :
1. Thou shalt worship no other god.^
2. Thou shalt make thee no molten gods.
3. The feast of the Passover thou shalt keep.
4. The firstling of an ass thou shalt redeem with a lamb ; all
the firstborn of thy sons thou shalt redeem.
5. None shall appear before me empty.
6. Six days shalt thou work, but on the seventh thou shalt
rest.
7. Thou shalt observe the feast of ingathering.^
8. Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice with leav-
ened bread, neither shall the sacrifice of the Passover remain
until the morning.
1 See for proof, Briggs, The Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, New
York, 1893, pp. 189-210.
2 This was not monotheism, for the existence of other gods is ad-
mitted. It is an exhibition of Yahweh's intolerance or "jealousy."
3 The command now reads (Exod. 34:22): *' Thou shalt observe the
feast of weeks, even the ingathering of the wheat harvest, and the feast
of Ingathering at the year's end." Two feasts, which occurred more
than four months apart, are here merged Into one command. Of these
the first Is purely agricultural. Even if we grant that some wheat may
have been raised in the wilderness of Sinai, or In the region of Aln-
Kadesh, this was only at the extreme western limit of the Kenlte-
Mldlanlte habitat, and could hardly have been produced in the whole
of it. The date harvest was an annual event of the whole region, and
probably the "feast of ingathering," which afterward was made a
commemoration of the grape gathering, referred in the nomadic period
to the date gathering. See Sketch of Semitic Origins, New York, 1902,
pp. Ill ff., and 115.
MOSES AND THE COVENANT WITH YAHWEH 67
9. The firstlings of thy flocks ^ thou shalt bring unto Yah-
weh, thy God.
10. Thou shalt not seethe a kid in his mother's milk.
It will be observed that these ten requirements are
nearly all of a ritualistic nature. That is what should
be expected from a nomadic people of this distant age.
For a long time after this, religion consisted not of
creeds but of rituals. The customs or mishpats of the
deities must be observed; if one were faithful to these,
no one asked what he believed. It goes far to establish
the historical character of the J document's account of
the covenant that these ten simple requirements so well
accord with the nature of the religions of people simi-
larly situated. They are easily remembered; they are
ritualistic; they are fitted to a desert and nomadic en-
vironment.
Nevertheless these requirements In one respect con-
tained an unusual element — one in which was the seed
of progress. Yahweh, the God of the thunderbolt and
the burning mountain, was a jealous God. Less tol-
erant of rivals than other deities, he demanded that his
worshippers worship him alone. This was not the gen-
eral Semitic custom. Gods were generally regarded as
the supernatural proprietors of certain districts, and
when one was in the district belonging to a god it was
1 It is supposed that " firstlings of thy flocks " in the nomadic days
stood where "first of the first-fruits of thy ground" (Exod. 34:26) now
stands, because, as noted above, the harvests of grain then formed no
important feature of the economic life.
68 THE RELIGION OF ISR^^EL
both the polite and safe course to pay him homage, just
as one would pay homage to an earthly potentate if one
came within the range of his power by crossing his do-
main (cf. I Sam. 26: 19). This custom was so deeply
ingrained in the Semitic character that it was long be-
fore this first condition of the covenant of Sinai was
observed by Hebrews generally, but it was ever present
as a demand on the part of their God making toward
monotheism. It was not a demand for monotheism; It
distinctly recognized the reality of other gods; it was
not even In theory monotheistic. It was but an expres-
sion of the jealousy of Yahweh which his worshippers
naturally attributed to a god whose chief avenue of
expression they believed to be the quaking mountain
and the burning fire. Later, however, this command
and this jealousy came as powerful aids to the prophets
as they sought to Impress upon the people the higher
views of Yahweh and his will which had been born In
their souls.
Some scholars think It necessary to contend that the
more ethical decalogue of Exod., chap. 20, and Deut.,
chap. 5, originated at Horeb. They feel that somehow
the authority of the ethical commands is less If they
came from the prophetic period than If they came from
Moses. This feeling the present writer does not share.
Whenever the ethical decalogue was written, it has back
of It all the authority of right. God has made the mind
of man capable of perceiving the right, and, when once
it Is perceived, man has been given a conscience which,
MOSES AND THE COVENANT WITH YAHWEH 69
stirred by the Spirit of God, never lets him rest without
living up to the right. There Is no other alternative
except to eradicate the conscience. When once the ethi-
cal decalogue was conceived to be a part of Yahweh's
law of righteousness, it had back of it all that power.
Had It originated in the time of Moses it could have
been enforced by no greater authority. The question
of the date of this decalogue may, then, be discussed
dispassionately on the external evidence alone. Had
it originated with Moses, It seems probable that all the
documents would have contained it, as they do the ritu-
alistic decalogue, whereas it was unknown to J, the old-
est writer of all. This fact seems to the writer decisive,
and this view is confirmed by the fact that the ethical
decalogue finds a more appropriate environment in the
ninth and eighth centuries than is afforded by the thir-
teenth century B. c.
One other feature of the religion, in addition to the
ritualistic decalogue, can now be discerned. Moses in-
troduced among his people an outward symbol of Yah-
weh In the form of an ark or box that could be carried
from place to place (Ex. 25-45 passim). According
to later tradition this ark contained the two tables on
which the law was written (Dt. 10: 5). In the opin-
ion of many modern scholars it contained a sacred stone,
either an aerolite of meteoric origin or a stone from
Yahweh's sacred mountain. To this ark long poles
could be attached by which It could be carried from
place to place. It formed a suitable sacred emblem for
70 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
a nomadic people. Similar receptacles for their gods
are portrayed on Babylonian monuments. By the Bab-
ylonians they were used only on festal occasions, when
the gods were carried In procession, but by the migratory
Rachel tribes the ark was In frequent use. This ark
remained In the possession of these tribes after their
settlement in Palestine, and plays a considerable part In
the early history (see i Sam. 3; 6; 2 Sam. 6). It was
the sacred emblem in the temple at Shilo.
The introduction of the worship of Yahweh by
Moses In the way Indicated has been held by many
scholars to completely account for his becoming the God
of Israel. It would sufficiently account for it, If all
Israel had been in Egypt, If all had come out at the
same time, and all had participated In the covenant
made at Horeb. If, however, the Leah tribes were In
Palestine a century and a half before this, having never
been In Egypt, and if the J document, written In Judah,
regards the worship of Yahweh as primeval, the solu-
tion of the problem in Its larger aspect Is not so easy.
It has been customary to say that, since some of the
Kenites settled in Judah and mingled with the various
strands of that tribe, the tribe of Judah might naturally
think that the religion of Yahweh went back to the
earliest times. If we had only to account for the atti-
tude of the J document, this would seem to be a fairly
satisfactory account of the matter, for In that case only
the views of Yahweh entertained in the tribe of Judah
would need to be accounted for. When, however, we
MOSES AND THE COVENANT WITH YAHWEH 7 1
see that the other Leah tribes who lived far to the
northward are said in the song of Deborah to have
obeyed the summons to war Issued in Yahweh's name,
other questions are raised. Did these northern tribes
first learn of Yahweh through the settlement, then com-
paratively recent, of the Rachel tribes in their midst?
Is it probable, if that had been the case, that they would
have so soon manifested even the slight degree of
unanimity and devotion portrayed In the song of De-
borah in his service? It does not seem probable. One
naturally turns, therefore, to other and more probable
considerations.
It has already been noted that some of the Kenites
settled In the tribe of Judah (see Jud. i : 17), and ap-
parently became merged In that tribe. It is by no
means certain that such fusion between the Kenites and
Judahites first took place after the time of Moses. If,
as has been shown, the Leah tribes had during a part of
their nomadic life made their centre at Kadesh, It is
not at all unlikely that they must have often come into
contact with the Kenlte-MIdlanltes more than a hundred
and fifty years before the time of Moses. Such con-
tacts would be sure to be either hostile or friendly. If
friendly, they would take the form of a more or less
close alliance. So far as our records Inform us there
Is no memory of hostility between these two groups.
It seems probable, therefore, that the fusion may have
begun long before the time of Moses, and that Yahweh
was a god known to the Leah tribes before their settle-
72 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
ment in Canaan. Perhaps they had a more or less
binding allegiance to him.
It should also be observed that some of the Leah
tribes, and possibly all of them, may have come origi-
nally out of northern Arabia, so that if Yahweh had
been known in that region for a thousand years before
this, to the consciousness of the Leah tribes also Yah-
weh's worship would naturally be primeval. At all
events it seems probable that in some way the Leah
tribes were predisposed to the worship of Yahweh be-
fore their union with the Rachel tribes.
However, even if this be so, it was the experience of
the Rachel tribes in their exodus from Egypt, and the
work of Moses at the burning mountain, that in all later
time gave character and direction to the religion. The
awful manifestation at the burning mountain impressed
the making of the covenant with the Rachel tribes in-
delibly upon the national consciousness. Yahweh's
goodness and power in delivering them from bondage
eclipsed any traditions that the Leah tribes had of him
before, so that in later ages the traditions of this ex-
perience became the common possession of all Hebrews,
and no tribe was conscious that its ancestors had not
participated in it. To these traditions prophets success-
fully appealed; it was these memories that made prog-
ress possible. Whatever knowledge of Yahweh may
have been the possession of the Leah tribes before the
time of Moses, it was the point of view given by Moses
to the Rachel tribes that prevailed.
MOSES AND THE COVENANT WITH YAHWEH 73
Such Is the outline of the beginnings of the religion
of Israel as we can now discern them. Beyond the fact
that Yahweh became the God of Israel by covenant at
Horeb through the Instrumentality of Moses, this out-
line Is confessedly hypothetical. Nevertheless the
writer believes It approximately correct. Yahweh was
a jealous God, a God of war, a God who could give to
Israel just what she wanted — ability to gain freedom
and to conquer enemies. If not appreciably higher than
other Semitic religions of the time. It certainly was not
lower, and the poverty of the steppe kept It relatively
pure as compared with the cults of wealthy agricultural
communities. It had, however, in It new possibilities,
and It had come to Israel In a way that eventually af-
forded these possibilities the opportunity to be realized.
From these simple beginnings the best religion of the
world has sprung. Illustrating the Master's word: " first
the blade, then the ear, then the full grain In the ear."
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. Theories of Yahweh before Moses; cf. G. A. Barton,
" Yahweh before Moses " in Studies in the History of Religion
Presented to Crawford Howell Toy by Pupils, Colleagues and
Friends, New York, 1912, pp. 187-204.
2. Theories of the Origin of the Worship of Yahweh; cf.
Budde, Religion of Israel to the Exile, New York, 1899, pp.
1-38; G. A. Barton, Sketch of Semitic Origins, Social and Re-
ligious, New York, 1902, ch. vii ; also in Hastings, Dictionary
of the Bible in One Volume, New York, 1909, article " Israel "
§ ii, 2 (p. 410 ff.) ; W. E. Addis, Hebrew Religion, New York,
74 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
1905, ch. iii; Marti, Religion of the Old Testament, New York,
1906, ch. i; H. P. Smith, Religion of Israel, New York, 1914,
ch. iii; and J. P. Peters, Religion of the Hebrews, Boston, 1914,
ch. iii.
3. What Decalogue did Moses introduce? Cf. Barton and
Peters in references under the preceding topic.
CHAPTER V
PRE-PROPHETIC PERIOD IN CANAAN
Influence of Agriculture — Canaanlte Shrines become Yahweh's — Tra-
ditions and Ritual taken over with Shrines — Festivals trans-
formed— Personal Religious Life — Use of Images — Yahweh's
Character in this Period — Prophecy in this Period — Hebrews a
Farmer-Folk — Solomon an Innovator — Ahab and Elijah — The
E Document and its Decalogue — Date of this Decalogue.
The conquest of Canaan brought many new elements
into Israel's life. The change from nomadic to settled
agricultural ways necessarily produced modifications of
religious forms and conceptions; the cultivation of the
grape instead of the date palm is but one of the differ-
ences which led to the new interpretation of an old rite.
The Canaanites were subdued only in part; many re-
mained in the land, to be gradually absorbed into the
Hebrew nation.^ Accepting, as these gradually did, the
worship of Yahweh, they continued to believe their old
myths and to practise their old customs. Just as
heathen myths and festivals have sometimes been intro-
duced into Christianity by giving them Christian names,
so Canaanite ideas and customs inevitably fused with
those brought by Israel from the wilderness.
Perhaps the most striking way in which this fusion is
exhibited is in the fact that the old shrines of the land
were taken over and became shrines of Yahweh. At
ijosh. 15:63, 16:10; Judges 1:21, 27, 29, 35.
75
76 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Shechem there was a high place to a god called Baal-
berlth (Judg. 9:4) or El-berlth (Judg. 9:46). This
became not only a shrine of Yahweh, but tradition in
time attributed its origin to Abraham, the Hebrew
(Gen. 12 : 6 ff.) . Abraham had had a vision there by
a sacred oak, it was said, and in this vision God had
promised Canaan to his descendants. Bethel, another
old Canaanite sanctuary, had been regarded as a divine
abode because of the peculiar character of the stones
there. At this point the limestone vertebrae of Pales-
tine protrude through the soil and are worn by the
weather into curious shapes; these led early men to be-
lieve that a god was manifesting himself there. The
Israelites, taking over this sanctuary, explained the be-
ginnings of Its sanctity by the story of a dream that
Jacob, their ancestor, once had there. The sanctity of
a neighbouring hill was accounted for by the tradition
that Abraham had built an altar there. Similarly
Hebron, another old shrine, to which was attached a
sacred cave similar to that discovered at Gezer,^ became
a shrine of Yahweh, where Abraham had experienced
a divine visitation (Gen., chap. 18). Veneration for
its sacred cave was afterward accounted for by the tra-
dition that there the patriarchal dead were buried
(Gen., chap. 23). The sanctity of the sacred wells of
Beer-sheba tradition In time accounted for by saying that
Abraham had dug one of them, or had planted a tam-
erlsk tree there (Gen. 21 : 22-33).
1 See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, London, 1912.
PRE-PROPHETIC PERIOD IN CANAAN 77
Two Instances of the transfer of Canaanite shrines to
Yahweh are pretty clearly detailed in the Old Testament
narratives. At the foot of Mount Hermon the Jordan
pours forth from a subterranean spring as a full-grown
river. This marvellous and sudden appearance of such
quantities of life-giving water marked the place off as
the abode of a god from the time men dwelt in its
vicinity. In the midst of the period of the Judges the
Hebrews conquered this place and at once, without de-
lay or compunction, made it a sanctuary of Yahweh, in-
stalling a grandson of Moses as Its chief priest (Judg.,
chaps. 17, 18).
Jerusalem also was not captured by the Hebrews at
first, but was held by the Jebusites until the time of
David (Judg. 1:21; 19:11-12; II Sam. 5:6-9).
The sacred rock and cave which have played such a part
in Hebrew, Christian, and Mohammedan ritual and
tradition were, no doubt, a part of an earlier Jebuslte
shrine. The Jebusites, with that hospitable mingling of
things sacred and secular characteristic of Semitic folk,i
employed their sanctuary as their threshing-floor. This
sanctuary David naturally took over, and the act was
justified to Hebrew thought by the belief that Yahweh
had stopped at that point the ravages of a plague (II
Sam., chap. 24).
The taking-over of these sanctuaries Involved the
taking-over of much of their traditions and ritual. It
meant that Yahweh had become the God of the land —
1 Cf. W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, 2 ed., London, 1894, p. i45-
78 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Its owner or proprietor — just as the Canaanite gods
had been. The term Baal (i.e., owner, possessor) had
been freely applied to them; this term was now trans-
ferred to Yahweh, so that his worshippers called him
Baal. Thus Gideon, an enthusiastic worshipper of
Yahweh, bore the name Jerrub-baal; Saul named his son
Ish-baal; David one of his, Meri-baal. As both mon-
archs were champions of the worship of Yahweh, it is
clear that they intended the term Baal to refer to him.
The prophet Hosea also definitely states that Yahweh
had been called Baal (Hos. 2: 16).
As the Baal of Palestine it came in time to be believed
that Yahweh was connected with the soil of the land
and could be rightly worshipped only upon it. This is
the thought which underlies the request of Naaman to
take two mule-loads of earth from Palestine to Damas-
cus, that he might be able to worship Yahweh there (II
Kings 5 : 17), a request which Elisha, the leader of the
Yahweh worship of his day, granted.
As God of the land Yahweh became the God of agri-
cultural law; he was especially interested in its enforce-
ment. As a natural result of the conquest of Canaan
and the transfer of the land and its shrines to Yahweh,
the author of the E document in the eighth century re-
gards the body of agricultural laws in Exod., chaps.
21-23, as a fundamental part of the covenant of Yah-
weh with Israel. These laws had doubtless been a slow
growth; they were the outcome of a long agricultural
experience. Many of their provisions are similar to
PRE-PROPHETIC PERIOD IN CANAAN 79
those of the Code of Hammurapi, which had been pro-
mulgated in Babylon before 2000 B. c. For centuries
before the conquest of Palestine by Thothmes III of
Egypt in 1478 b. c, Babylonian influence had been
dominant in Canaan and communication with Babylonia
very frequent. At times the country may have been
controlled by Babylonian kings. It is possible, though
hardly probable, that some of the laws of the Book of
the Covenant had been shaped in some slight degree by
those of Babylon,^ but Babylonian influence had not
been controlling, as the many points in which the Book
of the Covenant diverges from the Code of Hammurapi
prove.
As a part of the transfer of emphasis in the religion
of Yahweh to an agricultural basis the great festivals
were transformed. To the simple Passover feast,
which commemorated the yeaning time of domestic ani-
mals, an agricultural offering of first-fruits in the form
of unleavened bread was added. This occurred because
the first ripe grain was gathered at the very season in
which the old nomadic feast fell.^ Seven weeks later
a new agricultural festival, commemorative of the com-
pletion of the harvest, was added, while the old autumn
1 Cf. Kittel, Scientific Study of the Old Testament, New York, 1910,
pp. 28-30, and Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Part II, ch. xiii.
2 A similat fusion had already occurred among the pre-Israelite in-
habitants of Canaan. They too had come from the Arabian desert
where their spring festival had celebrated the birth-time of animals,
and had joined to this the offering of first-fruits. This was because they
too had been subjected to the same agricultural influences; cf. Barton,
Sketch of Semitic Origins, New York, 1892, pp. 108 ff.
8o THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
festival of the date harvest became the festival of the
grape-gathering. Such changes were not peculiar to the
religion of the Hebrews; they had been silently going
on for centuries wherever nomadic Semites became agri-
cultural peoples.
During this period there was no organized priest-
hood that was confined to one family or tribe. Micah
could make one of his sons priest in his temple (Judg.
17: 5) ; Samuel, an Ephraimite, could offer sacrifice (I
Sam. 9: 13, 14; 16: 1-5) ; while David made his sons
priests (II Sam. 8 : 18). Nevertheless there was a feel-
ing abroad that it was better to have a Levite for a
priest, so that when one appeared Micah put him in place
of his son (Judg. 17: 10-12). How unorganized the
Levites were is shown by the fact that a young member
of this class, who appears in the sequel to be a grandson
of Moses, started out like any other young adventurer
to seek his fortune, and accepted successive positions as
they appeared attractive to him (Judg., chaps. 17, 18).
After the settlement in Canaan, while these changes
were silently progressing, the religious life of the peo-
ple went quietly forward. In the charming stories of
the time many attractive religious scenes are graphically
presented. How devout souls celebrated the festivals
of animal sacrifices from year to year and poured out
their hearts in private prayer is portrayed in the story
of Elkanah and Hannah (I Sam., chaps, i, 2). Han-
nah's aspirations move in the sphere of the objective
world. In accordance with the views ingrained through
PRE-PROPHETIC PERIOD IN CANAAN 8 1
long ages Into the Semitic stock, her chief desire Is for
offspring. She regards Yahweh as the giver of chil-
dren, and thinks that he can best be approached with
her request when he Is brought Into especial nearness to
his people at the feast, and his heart has been made
warm by It. Nevertheless she approaches him In pri-
vate prayer without the Intervention of a priest, and
affords us a glimpse of that beautiful private devotion
and personal religious life which in greater or less de-
gree must have accompanied Hebrew worship every-
where.
As devotional aids the Hebrews, like other peoples
at the same stage of culture, used Images of their deities.
The decalogue of J, on which the covenant at Sinai was
based, had not prohibited the use of such Images, but
only of expensive Images. " Thou shalt make thee no
molten gods" (Exod. 34: 17) forbade them to have
Images of silver or gold, but left them free to use
" graven images " or cheap Idols carved out of wood.
Such Idols, called Teraphim, we find accordingly In the
houses of the best of the Hebrews, the one in David's
house having been so large that It could be put In
David's bed and passed off for David himself (I Sam.
19: 13-16). This opened the way in time for more
expensive Images, and after a time Yahweh, like the
Baals, was symbolized by little bulls made of precious
metal.
That Yahweh was still emphatically regarded as a
God of war, the stories of Deborah, Gideon, Jephthah,
82 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
and David attest. So much was this the case that
David, Israel's ideal warrior, was regarded as a man
after Yahweh's own heart (I Sam. 13: 14).
In spite of such attractive pictures of simple devotion
as that presented in the story of Elkanah and Hannah,
It is clear that the conceptions of Yahweh which pre-
vailed were characteristic of the hard, crude age of
which they were a part. Jephthah, for Instance, bar-
gained with Yahweh for victory In battle, promising to
offer in sacrifice the first living thing which met him
on his return home from battle. When victory was
won and he was met by his only daughter, he believed
Yahweh would be far more outraged by infidelity to his
vow than by the horrible gift of a human sacrifice.
The maiden accordingly became a victim.
A similarly crude conception of Yahweh Is reflected
in a story from the reign of David (II Sam. 21 : 1-14).
A famine, caused as Palestinian famines usually are by
insufl^cient rainfall, had occurred for three successive
years, and the minds of king and people were greatly
exercised to ascertain what had angered Yahweh. It
was taken for granted that In some way he had been
offended or he would not withhold his rain. An oracle
was obtained, which explained the cause of Yahweh's
wrath. It is clear that the oracle came from the sanc-
tuary at Gibeon, whither Solomon afterward betook
himself to worship (I Kings 3:4ff.), and that it was
manipulated by the Gibeonite priesthood. The Gib-
eonltes were an Amorite clan with whom the Hebrews
PRE-PROPHETIC PERIOD IN CANAAN 83
at the conquest had made a treaty, promising to spare
their lives (Josh. 9:3-15). In spite of this compact,
Saul had endeavoured to exterminate the Gibeonites,
and now the oracle declared that Yahweh was angry
because the innocent blood thus shed had never been
avenged. Seven descendants of Saul were accordingly
sought out and delivered to the Gibeonites to be put to
death. These men were hanged in the springtime, just
at the end of the rainy season, and their bodies were
left hanging all through the long, dry summer, a ghastly
testimony to the vengeance of Yahweh. When the
rainy season once more came, copious showers fell, and
we are told: " God was entreated for his land." The
Yahweh who could be thought to punish a whole land
with starvation because so gruesome a penalty for sin
had not been exacted, had not yet been conceived as a
merciful or loving being.
Prophets flourished at this time, but they were of a
very different order from the literary prophets of a later
period. In all parts of the world men have believed
that people who possess such peculiarly excitable nervous
organizations that they easily lose control of themselves
and fall Into ecstasies or trances, becoming unconscious
and speaking in a broken automatic manner, are medi-
ums of divine communication.^ The ecstasy Is ac-
counted for by the belief that a god or spirit takes pos-
session of the speaker and suppresses his humanity,
1 See Davenport, Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals, New York,
1905, chaps, i-iii.
84 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
making him the mouthpiece of a supernatural being.
No sharp line is drawn between this condition and
lunacy, for among such peoples lunacy is regarded as
demoniacal or supernatural possession. The early
prophets of Israel were of this class. The distinguish-
ing mark which denoted that King Saul was a prophet
was that " he stripped off his clothes and prophesied
and lay down naked all that day and all that night "
(I Sam. 19:24). The prophets of this period were
men of such peculiar temperament that they easily fell
into such ecstasies (cf. I Sam. 10: 10). They were
men of unstable nervous organization; Saul himself,
afterward became insane. Indeed the Hebrew word
for " prophesy," which means to " utter in a low voice,"
" to bubble over with speech," is applied both to prophet
and to lunatic.
It was out of men of this sort that Israel's guilds of
professional prophets were organized. They cherished
the arts by which ecstatic states could be produced, and
lived from the fees given them by their credulous coun-
trymen. Such prophecy not only had a basis in natural
phemonena common to others, but is clearly traceable
among the Canaanites. An interesting Egyptian docu-
ment, the " Report of Wenamon," written about iioo
B. c, describes a well-defined instance of this class of
frenzied or ecstatic prophecy at Gebal in Phoenicia.^
Such prophecy was common, therefore, to the Semites
of the whole region. The prophets of this period
1 See Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, p. 380, § 570.
PRE-PROPHETIC PERIOD IN CANAAN 85
sometimes, perhaps, relied upon other arts. Samuel is
called a seer (I Sam. 9:9) and his functions seem to
have been legitimately regarded as those of a man who
for a small sum would Inform people where to find lost
property. " Seer " was the name given by the Bab-
ylonians to priests who gave forth oracles from the in-
spection of the livers of victims,^ and it Is possible that
Samuel belonged to this class. It Is noteworthy that he
had celebrated a sacrifice the day before he gave his
oracle to Saul.
One can hardly emphasize too strongly the fact that
the Hebrews had become thoroughly agricultural. We
have noted this In contrast to the nomadic life of the
wilderness, but It is equally striking in contrast with the
urban and commercial clviUzatlon of Phoenicia, Bab-
ylonia, and Egypt. In these three countries the gods
had their temples or houses, decorated with many orna-
ments, adorned with expensive furniture and hangings,
where they were served with Implements of bronze and
vessels of silver and gold. In striking contrast to this
were the Hebrew high places, where under the open sky
rude stone pillars and an altar of earth or unhewn stone
constituted the simple sanctuary — a sanctuary which
remained the orthodox type down to the composition
of the E document, about 750 B. c. (Exod. 20: 24-26).
The ephemeral temple at Shilo (I Sam., chaps. 1-3)
1 See Jastrow, Aspects of Religious Belief in Babylonia, New York,
1911, pp. 158 ff., and 198 ff.; also Journal of Biblical Literature, XXVIII,
pp. 42-56.
86 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
was an exception to the general rule among the He-
brews. Their God, like themselves, lived in the open
air; he was pleased with rude, natural implements.
The products of the forge and the smith were an abomi-
nation to him.
Solomon was an innovator. Seeking to make his
people a commercial people and to beautify his capital
after the manner of the commercial nations, he erected
a splendid temple at Jerusalem, adorned it in the Phoe-
nician fashion, equipped it with an unorthodox bronze
altar, and a great variety of bronze implements.
Though this temple in later ages was looked back upon
as the ideal House of God, it impressed his contempo-
raries very differently. It was reaction against such re-
ligious innovations as well as against burdensome taxa-
tion, which enabled Jeroboam to rend the kingdom
asunder. Jeroboam, when he said: " Behold thy God,
O Israel, who brought thee up out of the land of Egypt "
(I Kings 12: 28), was not a religious innovator, but a
religious conservative.
The innovations of Solomon affected but one shrine
in the land, the shrine of Jerusalem, and that one of the
newest. Not more than forty years had passed since
Jerusalem had come into the possession of the Hebrews.
Nevertheless it was one of the influences which produced
political revolution. It was not till a century later that
the introduction of the religious practices of a commer-
cial and artisan people led to religious revolt.
During the first three centuries of Israel's residence
PRE-PROPHETIC PERIOD IN CANAAN 87
in Palestine, while the transformation outlined above
was going on, it would have been hard to distinguish
the religion of Israel from the religions of her neigh-
bours. The elements noted in the previous chapter
which made for higher ethical and spiritual views were
In abeyance. The seed was germinating; the time for
fruitage had not yet come.
In the reign of Ahab In the ninth century a change
began. Ahab had married Jezebel, a daughter of Eth-
baal, king of Tyre, and had built for her shrines to her
native god, Melkart of Tyre (I Kings 16:31 ff.).
Ahab was also led in his assertion of regal power to
trespass on the ancestral rights of Naboth. The He-
brews had from the beginning been free tribesmen, and,
as among the Arabs, there was a strong democratic
spirit among them. They had never taken kindly to
the ways of splendid monarchs. They could be loyal to
a man of the people, like David, but against the ways
of Solomon they had revolted. Ahab's seizure of Na-
both's vineyard caused deep popular resentment.
At this moment a new element appeared in the national
life In the advent of Elijah of Tishbeh In Gilead, who
represented the old nomadic ideal of Yahweh's re-
ligion. The people to the east of the Jordan had never
been as fully agriculturalized as those who dwelt to the
west of the river. The fertile lands merge gradually
into the desert, and from the desert new reinforcements
of nomads were ever coming. Among these the no-
madic ideal of Yahweh still remained. All more civil-
88 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
ized forms of life were considered abominations to him.
To live in houses, or to drink wine, as settled Hebrews
did, was considered wrong by some.^ Such ideas were
not indeed confined to the trans-Jordanic country, for
they find ample expression in the J document, written
during this century in Judah. Its author represents all
progress in civilization, the tilling of the soil, the wear-
ing of clothing, the invention of metal-working, music,
etc., as the result of sin. Of this ideal, Elijah was a
militant representative.^
Into the social ferment of Israel there thus came in
the reign of Ahab three religious ideals. The agricul-
tural Yahweh, who fostered the land with its wheat
fields and vineyards, and was worshipped in the high
places as a Baal, was one; the Yahweh or Baal of an
artisan and commercial people — the Baal of Tyre wor-
shipped with bronze altars and luxurious ritual, like the
Yahweh of Solomon's temple — was the second; the sim-
ple Yahweh of the wilderness, to whom the arts and
luxuries of even a simple agricultural community were
foreign — the Yahweh whose prophet and champion
was Elijah — was the third.
Elijah linked the rights of the people with his presen-
tation of his austere Yahweh and as a divinely sent
messenger boldly opposed the king. By him the king
was regarded as the representative of a hated foreign
1 Cf. II Kings lo: 15 and Jer., chap. 35.
2 See Budde, Religion of Israel to the Exile, New York, 1899, chap, iv;
and Barton, Sketch of Semitic Origins, New York, 1892, pp. 300 if.
PRE-PROPHETIC PERIOD IN CANAAN 89
cult — a cult of rich and commercial Tyre — a cult im-
pure with manufactured implements and ceremonies
which in idle luxury were made to pander to basest lust.
Thus began that social and religious ferment, which went
on for centuries, awakening gradually the Hebrew con-
science. It called Into existence the great Hebrew
prophets, and ultimately lifted the Hebrew religion to
the highest plane attained by any pre-Christian faith.
After the first manifestation of this new spirit in the
person of Elijah there came a time of apparent retro-
gression. Ellsha was by no means the spiritual equal of
his great predecessor. He was the leader of the guild
of ecstatic prophets, and once when an oracle was re-
quired of him, employed artificial means to produce the
prophetic ecstasy In himself (II Kings 3: 15). Ellsha
anointed Jehu to be king and encouraged him In the
name of Yahweh to undertake a reform. Jehu's treach-
erous methods and bloody massacre of the devotees of
Baal (II Kings 10: 18-28) reveal anything but the
dominance of an ethical spirit. In this bloody work he
was aided by the Rechabltes, the living exponents of the
nomadic Ideal. Their religion was not more ethical
than that of the bloody king.
In spite, however, of barbarities perpetrated In Yah-
weh's name the century between Elijah and the E docu-
ment was not without fruit. Spiritual awakening and
ethical advance generally occur in times of social press-
ure, and the fruitage of the movement begun by Elijah
is apparent in the moral decalogue of the E document.
90 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
In this document these ethical commands stand before
even the agricultural laws, and are thus given special
prominence. Three of them are in substance identical
with commands of the decalogue of J, but the ritual
features of that decalogue were relegated to a place
among the laws at the end of the Book of the Covenant.
These ten commands, as then set forth, were simple and
brief. While negative — declaring simply what must
not be done — they marked out for all time the ethical
foundations of Yahweh's religion, and prepared the way
for the work of the great prophets who were to follow.
Stripped of later editorial additions, they are:
1. Thou shalt have no other gods before me.
2. Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image.^
3. Thou shalt not lift up the name of Yahweh in
vain (i. e., thou shalt not swear to a lie).
4. Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy.
5. Honor thy father and thy mother.
6. Thou shalt do no murder.
7. Thou shalt not commit adultery.
8. Thou shalt not steal.
9. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy
neighbour.
10. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house.
In this decalogue but three of the commands are iden-
tical with commands in that earlier decalogue, which, it
iThis command goes a step farther than the decalogue of J and
prohibits even cheap idols.
PRE-PROPHETIC PERIOD IN CANAAN 9 1
has been conjectured, goes back to the time of Moses.
For the seven ritual commands of the other decalogue
ethical requirements are substituted, or, to be more
accurate, unethical conduct is prohibited. The question
naturally arises: when and where did these commands
originate, and how were they substituted for the corre-
sponding ritualistic commands in the decalogue of J?
These questions cannot in the present state of our knowl-
edge be definitely answered. It is a plausible conjec-
ture that these commands were conceived by Ehjah and
his followers to be more in accord with the demands of
Yahweh, the champion of social justice, than the ritual-
istic decalogue of J.
Indeed it is tempting to think that certain features of
this decalogue were suggested by the trial and execu-
tion of Naboth and the confiscation of his property by
Ahab and Jezebel. It is true that the prohibition of
murder, theft and adultery are regulations that suit well
any period of Israel's history. They record the people's
ethical aversion to deeds that must for a long time have
been considered wrong. Similarly the obligation to
honour father and mother registers, probably, a sense of
filial duty that had been growing from the time of the
emergence of the patriarchal family. This is not true
of all, however. The modification of J's first command
to read: "Thou shalt have no other gods before me,"
or " in my presence," may well have been suggested by
Elijah's war on the Baals, which was in part precipi-
tated by the introduction by Jezebel of the worship of
92 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
her ancestral Tyrian gods. The prohibition of cheap
idols in the second commandment may also be plausibly
connected with the same effort to differentiate the wor-
ship of Yahweh from that of Baal. " Thou shalt not
swear to a lie," may have been called forth by the dire
consequences of such conduct at the trial of Naboth
(I Kings 21 : lo). The commands against bearing
false witness and against coveting, which conclude this
decalogue may with equal probability have been sug-
gested by the Naboth incident. While some scholars
still insist that this decalogue must have originated with
Moses, because no later period seems suited to its intro-
duction, the hypothesis that the impetus to its compila-
tion was given by Elijah and that it was compiled among
his disciples is a more satisfactory explanation of the facts.
As the basis of the covenant at Horeb had not been
put in writing in the time of Moses, it would not be
difficult in the course of a hundred years for the belief
to become general in the northern kingdom, where Elijah
had preached, that these were the genuine ten commands
of Moses. In this case the substitution in the oral
tradition would be easy. The J document, written in
Judah about the time Elijah was doing his work in
Israel, naturally adhered to the older form of the tradi-
tion.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY.
I. The Influence of the National Traditions on the Religion
of this Period; cf. J. P. Peters, The Religion of the Hebrews^
Boston, 19 14, ch. vi.
PRE-PROPHETIC PERIOD IN CANAAN 93
2. Religion as reflected in the Early Literature; cf. H. P.
Smith, The Religion of Israel, ch. v.
3. The Temple of Solomon ; cf. articles ** Temple " in Hast-
ings, Dictionary of the Bible and the Encyclopaedia Biblica, and
" Temple of Solomon " in the Jewish Encyclopedia; also G. A.
Smith, Jerusalem, New York, 1908, Vol. II, pp. 48-82, and G.
A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Philadelphia, 19 16, pp.
193-196.
4. The Development of Priesthood in this Period ; cf . J. P.
Peters, Religion of the Hebrezus, ch. vii.
5. The Date of the Decalogue; cf. G. A. Barton, A Sketch
of Semitic Origins, Social and Religious, New York, 1902, pp.
292-295, and in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible in One Vol-
ume, pp. 410, 411; J. P. Peters, The Religion of the
Hebrews, pp. 96-1 10; Morris Jastrow, Jr., Hebrew and
Babylonian Traditions, New York, 19 14, pp. 162 ff. 174. 184,
and 283; W. F. Bade, The Old Testament in the Light of To-
day, Boston, 1916, pp. 87-131, and the articles on '* The Mosaic
Origin of the Decalogue " by J. E. McFadyen in The Expositor
for 19 16.
CHAPTER VI
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY
The Great Personalities — Amos and Monotheism — Yahweh's Demands
Ethical — Ritual denounced — Amos preached Fear; Hosea, Love —
Hosea's Marriage — Isaiah's Message — Critical Theories — Isaiah's
Messianic Hope — The Message of Micah — Isaiah and Sen-
nacherib— Jerusalem Yahweh's Dwelling-Place — Isaiah's Com-
promise with Ritual — Hezekiah's Reform.
The history of every great religion is at times the his-
tory of a great man or a group of great men. Spiritual
and ethical Insight comes to great souls, and It is only as
they lift their fellows to their own level that advances
are made. It thus happens that the progress of the
religion of Israel in the eighth century B.C. is bound up
with the personal experiences and thoughts of four men
— Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, MIcah.
As noted in a previous chapter, the ninth and eighth
centuries B.C. were times of great ferment in Israel, and
In this ferment a new social conscience had been born.
Elijah, in the ninth century, had been its exponent, and
the author of the E document had collected social laws
shaped in response to it, but with the shepherd-prophet
Amos, the earliest of the eighth-century literary proph-
ets, there began a new movement upward and forward.
The teaching of Amos embodied four important ele-
ments, two of which, if not entirely new, were put with
such new emphasis as to be practically so.
94
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY 95
The first of these elements or doctrines is monotheism.
The monotheism of Amos was not a philosophical theory
of the universe; Amos did not declare that there is and
can be only one God. It was a practical monotheism
reached apparently in consequence of the prophet's per-
sonal experience of the righteousness and power of
Yahweh. However he attained his faith, Amos clearly
believed that Yahweh ruled all the nations. He does
not, like the E document, recognize the reality of other
gods, nor like Jeremiah formally deny their existence.
He simply ignores them and tells how Yahweh rules the
nations. Yahweh brought the Philistines from Caphtor
and the Aramaeans from Kir (Amos 9:7). The Phil-
istines, Damascus, Moab, Edom, and all the nations
mentioned are responsible to Yahweh for their acts and
are to be judged by him ( chaps. 1,2).
This monotheistic thought of the shepherd of Tekoah
was big with the fate of the progress of the race.
Egypt's thinkers had begun to grope after a sort of
monotheistic thought earlier than the fourteenth century,
but never really reached it in any practical way. Of the
conceptions proposed by Ikhnaton (Amenophis IV)
they would have none.^ The Babylonian priests at
some period had conceived all the other gods as differ-
ent forms of Marduk^ but the conception had never
1 See Breasted, History of Egypt, 2nd ed., New York, 1909, chap, xviii,
and Steindorf, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, New York, 1905, pp.
57 ff.
2 See the text translated by Pinches in the Transactions of the Vic-
toria Institute, XXVIII, pp. 8 f.
96 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
become of practical religious value. In India, perhaps
as early as Amos, men were talking of the Brahma, or
Brahma-Atman, as the ultimate principle of life,^ but
potent as the idea was in later Indian thought, It never
exerted the creatively ethical influence upon the race that
the monotheism of Amos has done. Some ^ have sup-
posed that Amos was influenced by the abstract thought
of the priesthoods of Egypt and Babylon — that he gave
practical expression to a monotheistic conception that
was, as it were. In the air. In reality there was no such
conception in the air even in Babylon.^ When one sees
how unaffected Palestinian shepherds today are by sys-
tems of thought which have dwelt for centuries In the
cities of their own land, he Is slow to believe that Amos
was at all influenced by speculations of distant priest-
hoods. Amos's thought grew out of the old conceptions
of Yahweh as a holy and jealous God, and the ethical
and spiritual discoveries of his own soul. It may have
been to some degree aided by the division of Israel into
two monarchies or nations. When Yahweh became
the God of two nations the frontiers of religion were en-
larged. If he controlled two nations why not more than
two?^ Amos applied his conception of Yahweh's na-
1 Cf . Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, New York, 1908, pp. 87, 211.
2 So Baentsch, Altorientalischer und israelitischer Monotheismus,
Tubingen, 1906.
sCf. G. F. Moore, History of Religions, Vol. I, New York, 1913, p.
242, and G. A. Barton, Religions of the World, Chicago, 1917, p. 26.
4 Cf. J. M. P. Smith, " The Effect of the Disruption on the Hebrew
Thought of God," in the American Journal of Semitic Languages and
Literatures, XXXII (1916), pp. 261-269.
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY 97
ture in the terms, not of abstract thought, but of practical
ethical endeavour, and his conception and his application
of it were shared by the other literary prophets of the
century. The monotheism of Amos became effective be-
cause it was closely coupled with his ardent champion-
ship of social righteousness. In the eighth century
Israel was economically very prosperous. The rich
were growing richer, the poor, poorer, and the rich
were oppressing the poor. Social corruption was fos-
tered not only by wealth, but by religion. Amos pro-
claimed Yahweh as the God of social righteousness.
Yahweh demanded justice and fair play for the op-
pressed, purity and chastity in personal life (see 2 : 6, 7 ;
5:11, 12, 14, 24; 8:4-7). Yahweh had of all the
nations of the world chosen Israel alone, but this choice,
far from being a guaranty of his favour, demanded of
her a higher righteousness (3:2). In this aspect of his
teaching, Amos continued and intensified the message of
Elijah.
The religion of Yahweh as conceived by Amos was
not only socially ethical, but it was that alone. Ritual
formed no part of it. Sacrifices and burnt offerings had
no place in it. These, Amos declared, were no part of
Yahweh's original covenant (5:25). In most em-
phatic terms he proclaims Yahweh's displeasure and even
abhorrence of the sacrificial feasts (4:4, 5; 5:21-24).
In that age of the world, when in every land animal
sacrifices were regarded as a necessary element of re-
ligion, this was a very radical position.
98 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
As the message of Amos was a call to righteousness,
it was also a proclamation of punishment. That sin
brings doom — that Israel's sin will bring punishment
and destruction to Israel — is stated by him in many
forms (3: 2, II, 12; 4: 2, 3, 12; 5: 1-3, 27; 6: i, 2, 7;
8 : 10-14). This threat of punishment is the only mo-
tive for a righteous life which Amos presented. He
assumes that the people can do right, and that if they
so do, all will be well, but the one reason which he urges
to persuade them to righteousness is the fear of doom.
The preaching of Amos came as a bugle-call to
awaken the conscience of the nation. Though Yahweh
was bound to them by covenant, not by kinship, many
had lulled themselves into security by the heathen doc-
trine that their God could not abandon them. Amos
awakened such by threatening doom to wicked Israel —
a doom all the more sure because she was Yahweh's
chosen — reminding them that Yahweh was with them
only on condition that they sought good, not evil (5 : 14,
Great as was the message of Amos, it was in some
respects defective. Fear of punishment is not the high-
est motive for right doing; but Amos offered no other.
Yahweh, as proclaimed by him, was an ethical, but not a
loving God. As Amos portrayed him, he was cold and
unfeeHng. These defects in the preaching of Amos
were soon supplied by his younger contemporary, Hosea.
Larger vision of God has often entered a soul through
a door opened by sorrow. According to the view of
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY 99
the story of Hosea's marriage which has prevailed for
a generation, this is believed to be true of Hosea. A
man of tender and loyal affections, he had married a
wife whom he dearly loved, but who proved to be untrue
to him. As he yearned over her, pondering on the
heart-breaking blight that had fallen on his life, he saw
in it a revelation of the relation between Yahweh and
Israel. The covenant of Sinai was a covenant of mar-
riage. The unethical worship which was practised by
Hebrews all about him was in his view really worship
of Baal. It was as much infidelity to Yahweh as Co-
mer's life with her lovers was infidelity to Hosea. But
the heavenly husband was not less loving than the
earthly, and the measure of his own unquenchable love
for Gomer became to Hosea a revelation of Yahweh's
unconquerable love for Israel. Gomer left Hosea's
home and led the life of a fallen woman till she fell
into slavery; Hosea then bought her back, placed her
apart where she was protected from her own evil pro-
pensities, and tried to win back her affection. So he
believed Yahweh would bring affliction upon Israel —
would bring her into the wilderness apart, where he
could court her again and win back her love.
Another view of Hosea's marital experiences has re-
cently been proposed,^ which rests upon a less forced
exegesis of the text. According to this view Hosea was
a prophet before he was married at all; at Yahweh's
ij. M. P. Smith in the Biblical World, XLII, 94-101, and Amos,
Hosea, and Micah in the Bible for Home and School, p. 80 f.
lOO THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
command he married a woman of the street, known to
be a harlot, and gave to the children born of the union
names which had a prophetic significance. This was all
done as an object lesson to Israel. According to this
view Hosea regarded himself as the spokesman and rep-
resentative of Yahweh. Anything that he regarded as
Yahweh's command had binding force upon him. That
the action was abnormal would not deter him, for many
of the prophets adopted abnormal courses in order for-
cibly to express by symbol Yahweh's will.^ The action
of the prophet was not designed to express the way in
which the relations which existed between Yahweh and
Israel began, but the condition in which they actually
were at the time. According to this theory the story of
Hosea's marriage emphasizes his self-sacrifice as a
prophet, but leaves unexplained how he became a
prophet.
Whatever doubt may attach to interpretations of the
story of Hosea's marriage, it is certain that he became
the prophet of the love of Yahweh — not love as it had
been grossly conceived in the worship of the old Semitic
goddesses of fertility, but the pure love of an affectionate
husband — a love that survives the grossest wrong. In
his interpretation of the love of Yahweh, Hosea sup-
plied a new motive, and that the most powerful, for re-
form and ethical righteousness. Israel's sin not only
injured herself, but broke the heart of Yahweh. Yah-
weh did not stand apart from her struggles as a threat-
1 See Isa. 20:1-5; Jer. 16: if.; Eze. 4:7-15, 24:16-18.
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY lOI
ening judge; he stood ready to help with all the inspir-
ing influences of an infinitely loving companionship.
Hosea fully shared the ethical enthusiasm of Amos.
He falls not a whit behind that prophet in proclaiming
Yahweh as a God who loves righteousness, champions
the oppressed, punishes wickedness, and takes no delight
in ritual and sacrifices ; but he employs the various figures
of the tenderest family relationships as symbols of Yah-
weh's love in his endeavour to make his contemporaries
realize this hitherto unsuspected aspect of Yahweh's
character — this new interpretation of the covenant of
Horeb — this new motive to righteous living.
In the kingdom of Judah the prophet Isaiah a little
later, perhaps before the death of Hosea, took up the
message of Amos and Hosea, and continued in various
ways to proclaim it through a ministry of forty years.
The great poetic gifts of Isaiah and the close relation
in which he stood to the kings Ahaz and Hezekiah have
made his name the most prominent of all the prophetic
circle, so that the work of other prophets has been at-
tributed to his pen. His genuine prophecies, however,
exhibit the same monotheistic conceptions, picture Yah-
weh as possessing the same passion for righteousness in
his people, and as feeling the same abhorrence of the re-
ligious ceremonies of unethical men, that appear in the
works of his two predecessors (see, e.g., Isa., i : 12-17) .
This gifted aristocrat and adviser of kings championed
the down-trodden poor with all the ardour of the
Tekoan shepherd.
102 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Isaiah, like his earlier contemporaries, saw a vision of
a higher religious life. He believed that Yahweh de-
manded that life. It was a life essentially ethical. The
ritual of the day with costly holocausts had no place In
it. With all his gifts he sought to make his people see
his vision and live this life. Sometimes he compares
Israel to a stupid child (1:2, 3), sometimes to a vine-
yard (5: 1-7). In each case Yahweh, the father or
owner, is keenly disappointed In the returns which he
gains from his possessions. If the figures are not as
often from the same tender sphere as those of Hosea,
the lesson taught is the same, and it Is embodied in poetry
of greater literary charm.
In one respect the conception of Yahweh presented by
Hosea and Isaiah was defective. Both thought of him
as caring chiefly for Israel, and as caring for other
nations only for their Influence upon Israel. Isaiah, for
example, speaks of Assyria simply as the rod with which
Yahweh In his anger Is to chastise Israel. When the
chastisement Is over, the rod Is to be broken and thrown
away (Isa., 10: 5 ff.). Yahweh is thought to care no
more for Assyria than a father does for the switch with
which he whips his boy; his love is centred in the boy.
In the prophecies of Isaiah as they have come down
to us we come upon the beginnings of the Messianic
hope. Before considering this, however, it will be help-
ful to take note of some modern critical theories. In
a series of articles published in 1881-1884,^ Stade began
1 In the Zeitschrift fur alttestamentliche Wissenschaft.
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY 103
to relegate Messianic prophecies in Isaiah and Micah
to the time after the exile. This work has been carried
forward since by Soerensen, Guthe, Giesebrecht, Duhm,
Cheyne, Hackmann, Bruckner, Volz and Marti. ^ In the
Commentaries of Marti, ^ the movement reaches its cli-
max. It is held that every Messianic prophecy must be
post-exilic. Many who do not follow Marti entirely
find it hard to detect in the time before the exile definite
periods when Messianic prophecy was possible. On
the other hand Gressmann ^ and Oesterley ^ have en-
deavoured to show that Messianic prophecy presupposes
the presence in Israel of certain myths out of which
Messianic expectations were woven, that these myths
were actually present in the time before the exile, and
that, not the outward circumstances of the time, but the
presence of these myths, makes Messianic prophecy pos-
sible in these centuries.
Marti and his school are wrong, in the judgment of
the present writer, in holding that the utterances of a
prophet must all fit into the events of the period in
which he lived, as we in looking back see those events.
A prophet may well have entertained hopes that did
not in all details come true. He must, however, have
1 See the excellent summary of their work by Fullerton in the Har-
fvard Theological Review, VI, pp. 478-520.
2 His Jesiah, Tubingen, 1900, and his Dodekapropheten, Tubingen,
1903, 1904.
3 Ursprung der israelitisch-judischen Eschatologie, Tubingen, 1905,
and American Journal of Theology, XVII, pp. 173-194.
^Evolution of the Messianic Idea, New York, 1908-
I04 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
had hopes, or he could not have been a prophet. It
is possible that there may be some elements of truth
in the theory of Gressmann and Oesterley. In the ut-
terances of an Egyptian sage who lived more than 2000
years B.C., the conception of an ideal king, who once
lived on the earth as the god Re, before whom all in-
justice flees, is set forth.^
Several scholars have thought that some tradition of
this ancient Egyptian ideal may have reached Israel and
have been cherished there. If the tradition of the Tale
of Two Brothers influenced the Joseph story, as we have
supposed in ch. 2, it is possible that the ideal king of
this Egyptian sage, Ipuwer, may have also been cher-
ished in Israel, and may have influenced the Messianic
idea. Such influence, if it existed, would account for the
name " god of a warrior " in Isa., 9 : 6. Such influence,
though possible, is by no means certain. Indeed, the
more the present writer studies the messianic prophecies
of Isaiah, the more clear it seems to him that they grew
naturally out of ideas that were ready to Isaiah's hand in
the common stock of Hebrew thought, and that the
greatest of them are the utterances of Isaiah himself.
This seems to be true of Isa., 9 : 2-6 and 1 1 : 1-8.
For the first of these passages (Isa., 9:2-6) there
is no period in the whole course of prophetic activity
which presents so fitting and probable a background as
the war of 735 B. c.
1 See Gardiner, The Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage, Leipzig, 1908,
p. 78.
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY 1 05
In the time of Saul and David the king himself had
been the Messiah or " the Lord's Anointed " (I Sam.,
24: 10; II Sam. 22: 51). In Isaiah's time the glories
of the Davidic empire had long passed. In the year 735
a weakling, Ahaz, was on the throne of Judah. Two
more powerful kings were threatening Jerusalem.
Isaiah's hopes leaped forward to a time when Israel
should again be ruled by a worthy prince. He took as
the ideal pattern the Assyrian statesman and general,
Tiglathpileser IV, describing his ideal prince as a Won-
der-counsellor, a god of a warrior, a Father of booty,^
and a Prince of peace (Isa., 9:5). He was to be
great in planning battles, terrible in fighting them, rich
in the resulting plunder, and great in ability to rule the
conquered territory in peace. This is the ideal of a
young man in whose veins hot blood still courses. In
his later years the prophet drew a different picture. In
these hopes of Isaiah's young manhood, however, we
have the first powerful literary expression of an ideal,
which, transformed as the centuries went on, exerted a
creative influence upon Christianity. Between the time
of Isaiah's earlier prophecies and his later ones the
prophecies of Micah, chaps. 1-3, were uttered.^ Micah
lived at Maresha, called in the Greek period Marissah,
near the modern Beit Gibrin. His home was in the foot-
1 The word translated usually " eternal " is here to be taken as
"booty," or "prey" as in Gen. 49:27.
2 The rest of the Book of Micah belongs to a later time — a time not
earlier than the seventh century.
Io6 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
hills of Judea, just on the Philistine border. His
prophecies were uttered, perhaps, about 713-711 B.C.,
when Sargon chastised Ashdod.
Though living in a different environment, Micah was
thoroughly at one with the other prophets of the cen-
tury in his teaching. Like theirs, his faith was monothe-
istic; he believed Yahweh to be supreme (cf. i : 3, 4) 10-
1 6 ; 3 : I ) . His presentation of Yahweh's demands for
social righteousness is no less insistent than theirs (chap.
2). The cultus of the period with its sacrifices and im-
moral practices, he, like the others, denounces (1:5).
Finally Micah's threat of judgment for sin falls little
short of that of Amos in the intensity of its earnestness.
If Micah does not materially advance the religious teach-
ing of the time beyond his contemporaries, he is thor-
oughly abreast of them in proclaiming the creative
thoughts of the period.
The later prophecies of Isaiah which in this hasty
glance we have time to notice are connected with the
invasion of Palestine by Sennacherib.
The writer agrees with those scholars ^ who hold It
probable that Sennacherib made two expeditions against
Judah. In the first of these In the year 701 B.C., Heze-
klah submitted and paid a heavy tribute, as Is recorded
1 This view was advocated by Winckler, Alttestamentliche Un-
tersuchungen, Berlin, 1892, pp. 27-50; Prasek, Sanherib's FeldzUge
gegen Jiida, Berlin, 1903; Fullerton, Bibliotheca Sacra, LXIII, pp. 577-
634; Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, New York,
1912, pp. 332-340-
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY 107
both in II Kings 18: 14-16 and in Sennacherib's own
account of the expedition. A considerable portion of
Judaean territory was, at this time, given by Sennacherib
to his Philistine vassals. It was on his second expedi-
tion, which occurred after the accession of Taharkah,
king of Egypt, in the year 691 or 688 B.C., that the dis-
aster described in II Kings 19: 9-35, and which is also
mentioned in Herodotus, occurred.^
Hezekiah, contrary to the advice of Isaiah, had joined
a coalition to throw off the Assyrian yoke. Sennacherib,
having defeated the armies of Hezekiah and his allies
in the Philistine plain, sent a summons to Jerusalem
to surrender, threatening a siege and destruction if
his summons were not heeded. In this crisis Isaiah
declared that Yahweh would come down and pro-
tect Jerusalem and that the Assyrian should be destroyed
(Isa., 31:5, 8). The prophet could denounce unspir-
Itual ritual (1:3), but he really did not yet see that the
religion of Yahweh could live without a temple. Some
sort of external form was necessary for the faith; some
external dwelling necessary for Yahweh.
The faith of Isaiah was signally justified. Sennach-
erib had sent his main army to inflict punishment upon
Egypt, the strongest member of the coalition which had
1 This view presupposes that Hezekiah reigned longer than is usually
supposed, and that the reign of Manasseh was somewhat shorter than
the period assigned to it in Kings.
It is needless to say that not all interpreters concur in this view. To
the writer it seems most reasonable.
Io8 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
opposed him. While on its way to Egypt the army was
attacked by bubonic plague ^ and so decimated that the
Assyrian had to withdraw. Jerusalem had escaped; the
prophetic word was vindicated; the power of the hated
conqueror was curbed.
The effect of this event was far-reaching. Yahweh
had not permitted Judah to suffer the fate which twenty
years before had overtaken Israel. He had shown, both
by the word of his prophet and by his destruction of the
Assyrians, that Jerusalem was indeed his dwelling-place,
and from this time on Jerusalem occupied a new place in
the affections and faith of the Jews. The lapse of more
than two hundred years had already softened the aver-
sion caused by Solomon's departures from orthodox
practices in the equipment of the temple, but until this
time Jerusalem had been but one of the many shrines of
Israel. From this time onward it was more and more
regarded as the earthly home of Yahweh, and that senti-
ment grew which has made it a sacred city to Jew, Chris-
tian, and Mohammedan.
If we are not mistaken, it was in connection with the
events of Sennacherib's invasion that Isaiah uttered an-
other messianic prophecy, setting forth the picture of
1 This seems the real ground of the statement of II Kings 19:5, that
the "angel of Yahweh smote the Assyrians" (cf. II Sam. 24:i6ff.,
and Acts 12:23 for the association of the "angel" with sickness), and
of Herodotus (Book II, § 141), that Sennacherib's camp was overrun
at night by mice which ate up the bow-strings. Bubonic plague attacks
rats and mice first and is by them spread to human beings. Cf. G. A.
Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land, New York, 1895, pp.
158 ff., and Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible in One Volume, p. 403, a.
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY I09
e messianic kingdom ^ which now stands in Isaiah 11 :
-9. The foolishness of Hezekiah and the ruthlessness
Sennacherib had turned the prophet's thoughts again
the ideal social state. In his youth he had thought of
e Wonder-counsellor who should fight and conquer,
10 should make Judah glorious; now he thinks more of
e social nature of the kingdom, and the ability of the
essiah to secure justice among its citizens. With lan-
lage of marvellous beauty and images of unsurpassed
)wer he portrays a time when the wanton passions of
en shall be subdued to a higher law, the cruelty of man
man shall cease, when
They shall not harm nor destroy
In all my holy mountain,
For the earth shall be full of Yahweh's knowledge
As the waters cover the sea.
In this prophecy the social forces, the social conscience
• the whole eighth century B.C. finds its highest expres-
3n, as well as the faith in Yahweh as a God of social
^hteousness which had animated each of the four great
•ophets of this century. These men, gifted with re-
i Marti and others, of course, assign this prophecy to the time after
; exile. Though Duhm had granted it to Isaiah's old age, Gray
saiah in the International Critical Commentary) holds that 11 :i im-
es the fall of the Davidic dynasty, the word translated " stock "
!ans " cutting " or " stump." The present writer has contended else-
lere {Journal of Biblical Literature, XXXIII, p. 73) that the Hebrew
)rd used means "cutting" and the Palestinian custom of cutting off
J limbs of a growing tree for fire-wood makes it an appropriate
jtaphor for a reigning dynasty, many of the members of which had
:d.
no THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
llgious Insight beyond their fellows and endowed with a
power of expression unsurpassed In Its reach, while com-
prehensible by the most untutored, had for ever made It
Impossible for men, Into whose hearts their words sank,
to rest In the thought that religion could be divorced
from ethics, or that God can ever be pleased with the
praises of those In whose hearts Is no pity for the unfor-
tunate poor or who traffic In the life-blood of their fel-
low-men.
The teaching of these great prophets brought to a
head and crystallized Into definite form the protest
against the baallzatlon of the religion of Yahweh which
Elijah had first raised. The causes of this protest were
In part the antipathy which people usually feel to re-
ligious practices other than their own, but other and
worthier motives were present also. Canaanlte re-
ligious customs were emphatically more sensual than
those of the simpler nomads, and against these sensual
practices the awakened conscience of the prophets re-
volted. What cause they had to revolt he only fully
appreciates who sees a high place, like that at Gezer,
excavated and beholds the countless obscene emblems
which were offered as votive tokens to the deities of fer-
tility. The wonder Is that the teaching even of men
like the great prophets of Israel ever lifted a peasantry,
to whom such sensual Indulgence was religion, out of
their slough.
The prophets gained a hearing because with a higher
sexual morality they linked the cause of the poor who
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY III
were oppressed by the rich. The poor man, then as
now, was ready to listen to one who gave him practical
help In the struggle for existence, even If the teaching
to which he listened condemned some cherished Indul-
gence.
Isaiah, however, seems to have realized toward the
end of his career that If the higher life, of which he
and hls^ fellow-prophets had gained a vision, was ever
to be lived by his fellow-countrymen. It must be em-
bodied In some outward form which could not be con-
fused with the worship of the Canaanlte Baals. As
religion had been organized from the conquest to that
time, this was not the case. Yahweh was worshipped
In numerous high places, just as the Baals were. The
high places of Yahweh had been high places of the
Baals before they were his. He was worshipped In
many of them by ceremonies which had crystallized long
before his name was known In the land. No wonder
that In the popular mind there was little distinction
between Yahweh and Baals, or between the morality
demanded by him and by them. It Is not surprising,
therefore, that we find Hezeklah, probably at Isaiah's
suggestion, making an effort to give the worship of
Yahweh a form of Its own, which should make It for
ever distinct. To this end he endeavoured to purify It of
obscene emblems and to centralize Its cult In Jerusalem.
Pillars and asheras, the old sexual symbols of deity,
were placed under the ban, and an endeavour was made
to suppress all shrines except the one on Zion (see II
112 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Kings 18:4, 22). Such a reform was in accord with
the declaration so often made by the prophetic group,
that the sacrifices of the popular high places were
really transgressions and that Yahweh took no delight
in them. It was also in accord with Isaiah's conception
that Zion was necessary to the perpetuity of the religion
of Yahweh; it was his dwelling-place — the city which
he loved.
No doubt in this effort at reform many time-honoured
superstitious customs and practices were swept away.
One of these was the worship of a brazen serpent (II
Kings 18:4). Serpent worship among early peoples
was widespread, if not universal. The excavation at
Gezer has revealed striking evidence of its practice there
during the Hebrew period.^ This, with other symbols
which obscured the ethical and spiritual Yahweh, was
swept away.
On the other hand, the reform was a recognition that
the new and higher religious conceptions of a people
must link themselves with the religious forms of their
past. Yahweh had, according to popular views, shared
apparently by Isaiah himself (Is. 6:1 ff.), long had
dwellings in their midst, or at least places where he
habitually manifested himself. After the reform, he
still had one. The ritual of the Jerusalem temple had
had a continuous existence of more than two hundred
years; it represented elements of worship inherited from
1 See R. A. S. Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 399, or Barton,
Archaeology and the Bible, p. 171 and Fig. 219a.
THE PROPHETS OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY II3
Israel's remote Semitic ancestry. This ritual was puri-
fied and retained. Apparently Isaiah and his royal co-
labourer hoped that by this reform the conditions of
progress had been met, and that the ideals which had
been so forcefully set forth In the prophetic preaching
of half a century would now be embodied in the religion
and ethics of a nation. Was Judah ready for such a
reform as this? We shall see In the next chapter.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. The Eighth Century in Israel; cf. G. A. Smith, The Book
of the Twelve Prophets, New York, 1896, ch. iii.
2. Amos, the Man and his Work; cf. G. A. Smith, Ibid,
ch. vi.
3. Hosea, the Man and his Work; cf. G. A. Smith, Ibid,
chapters xil and xiii; also J. M. P. Smith, Amos, Hosea, and
Micah, pp. 77-82 (in The Bible for Home and School).
4. The Composition of the Book of Isaiah; cf. G. B. Gray,
Isaiah, pp. xxix-lix (in the International Critical Commentary).
5. The Campaigns of Sennacherib; cf. K. Fullerton in Bibli-
otheca Sacra, LXHI, pp. 577-634; R. W. Rogers, Cuneiform
Parallels to the Old Testament, pp. 332-340; G. A. Barton,
Archaeology and the Bible, Philadelphia, 191 6, pp. 374 ff.
6. The Dating of Messianic Prophecy; cf. K. Fullerton in
the Harvard Theological Reviezt/, VI, pp. 478-520, and G. A.
Barton in the Journal of Biblical Literature, XXXIII, pp. 68-
74.
CHAPTER VII
DEUTERONOMY AND JEREMIAH
The Reaction under Manasseh — Micah 6 — The Deuteronomic Law —
Its Introduction as the Law of the Land — The Young Jeremiah —
Five New Truths — Heathen Deities non-Existent — Yahweh God
of all Nations — Religion Inward — Individual Responsibility —
Ezekiel and Jeremiah.
With the accession of Manasseh, 696 B. c, reaction-
ary sentiment became for a time supreme in Judah.
There were many causes which contributed to this end.
Hezeklah had denied to many of the smaller towns of
the land the right to worship In their ancestral high
places and had made an effort to make Jerusalem the
only legitimate place of sacrifice. This was naturally
as much resented by the people of the provincial cities as
an effort to close all churches In England except one
central cathedral In London would anger the popula-
tion of the provinces. It was a movement which im-
posed upon them great inconveniences and which struck
heavy blows at local pride. Each city was naturally
jealous of the honour of Its own high place. In addition
to this the reform demanded that the people of outly-
ing towns should desist from hoary religious practices.
It required them to believe that religion was a matter
of the heart to a degree hitherto unknown, and that sac-
114
DEUTERONOMY AND JEREMIAH I15
rifice was a ceremony, to be participated in only on the
rare occasions when they went to Jerusalem. Such a
religion the prophets of the eighth century had indeed
proclaimed, but the majority of the population had
never been seriously disposed to accept It.
Another strong reason for the reaction lay in the su-
perstitious veneration of the people for their high
places. From time immemorial these had been the
abodes of Yahweh — the places where he was wont to
manifest himself. Semitic conceptions of holiness led
the people to believe that a sort of divine energy resided
in the sacred soil of these places. If they were pro-
faned or this energy were not propitiated, all sorts of
disasters might be expected to overtake the neighbouring
towns.
Again, there were powerful priesthoods connected
with these shrines. These were thrown out of business
by the reform. When their pockets were touched and
their livelihood endangered, we may be sure that they
did their utmost to inflame the pride, religious rever-
ence, and superstition of the people to the highest de-
gree.
Manasseh, sympathizing with this numerous class of
his subjects, restored the high places, and gave the reac-
tionaries the encouragement of his royal protection. A
tradition preserved in different forms In different parts
of the Talmud declares that the prophet Isaiah was put
to death by him.
Reactionary movements generally carry their adher-
Il6 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
ents, not simply back to their original positions, but
beyond them, and the reaction under Manasseh was no
exception to the rule. Worship in Judah reverted to
barbarous customs, once practised by all Semites, but
which the Hebrews had, with a few notable exceptions,
left behind them. The author of the Books of Kings
tells us that the worship of Moloch, the god of the
Ammonites, prevailed, and that the custom of sacrific-
ing children to him was adopted. If, however, we take
the evidence afforded by Jeremiah and Ezekiel, it is clear
that the worship referred to was not that of a foreign
deity, but was worship of Yahweh under the title Melek,
or king, and that the children were sacrificed to him.^
In the reaction Yahweh had come in the popular mind
to stand for some of the crassest and most barbarous of
primitive religious ceremonies. Such for the time
seemed to be the result of the preaching of the great
prophets of the eighth century.
In this dark time, however, the prophetic ideals did
not die. Here and there faithful souls cherished the
vision which the teachers of the previous generation
had enabled them to see. According to many scholars ^
it was at this period that a prophetic voice gave utter-
ance to the ethical definition of religion which now
stands in Micah 6 : 6-8 :
1 See the articles " Moloch " in the Encyclopedia B'lhlica, Vol. Ill,
and the Jevj'ish Encyclopedia, Vol. VIII ; the former by G. F. Moore,
the latter by the present writer.
- Wellhausen and J. M. P. Smith, however, regard the passage as
post-exilic.
DEUTERONOMY AND JEREMIAH II7
Wherewith shall I come before Yahweh? ...
Shall I give my firstborn for my transgression,
And the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul? . . .
Yea, what does Yahweh seek from thee,
But to do justice and love kindness
And to walk humbly w ith thy God ?
Such a statement gains great force, If uttered against a
background of altars reeking with human blood.
Scholars are agreed that It was at this period, when
much active teaching was Impossible, that a disciple of
the eighth-century prophets, or a group of disciples,
produced the kernel of the Deuteronomic code, which
consisted, excepting some later additions, of Deut.,
chaps 5-26, and 28: 1-46. This code was In an Im-
portant sense the Book of the Covenant (Exod., chaps.
20-23) revised and Infused with the teachings of the
eighth-century prophets.
Among the many modifications which were Introduced
the most drastic were those which demanded a reform
identical with that which had been attempted In the
reign of Hezeklah and had so signally failed. The law
which had permitted a multiplicity of shrines (Exod.
20: 24-26) was transformed Into a law which permit-
ted but one (Deut., chap. 12). Pillars and Asheras,
which Hosea had regarded as the natural accompani-
ments of a cult (Hos. 3:4), were to be uprooted (Deut.
7:5), and the social Impurity fostered In the name of
religion was prohibited (Deut. 23:17). Many cus-
toms of agricultural and social life had moved about
Il8 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
the local sanctuaries as centres; In the new code care
was taken that the centralization of the ritual should
not work too great Inconvenience or hardship. The
ears of slaves who elected perpetual slavery had been
of old pierced against a post at the local sanctuary
(Exod. 21 : 6). Lest It should be a hardship to make
a journey to a distant city, It was now provided that
It could be done against the door-post of the house
(Deut. 15:17). Formerly the local altar had been
the sanctuary at which one who accidentally killed an-
other could find refuge from the primitive law of blood
revenge (Exod. 21 : 12-14). For such a man to have
to flee to the altar In distant Jerusalem might, in a land
where many were not Marathon racers, rob him of his
one chance of life. Three cities of refuge were ac-
cordingly established to take over this function of the
local shrines (Deut. 19:3-7). In providing for the
feasts this code Is more definite than the older require-
ments of J and E. They had simply required three
feasts, stating that one of them should be held in the
month Abib. Deuteronomy gives more definite dates
for the celebration of the other two festivals (Deut.
chap. 16).
One finds a more humanitarian spirit In the code of
Deuteronomy than in the Book of the Covenant. The
work of the eighth-century prophets had borne fruit,
and greater provision was made for the needs of the
poor and the unfortunate. For example, a slave who,
at the appointed year chooses his freedom, Is not as in
DEUTERONOMY AND JEREMIAH II9
the older code, sent away empty (Exod. 21 : 4-6), but
is to be given some provision with which to make a new
start in life (Deut. 15: 13-15). The needs of slaves,
and even of animals, are thoughtfully considered
(Deut. 5:13-15; 25:4). While this code was, we
believe, formulated in the dark reign of Manasseh, the
time to promulgate it had not come. The prophetic
party must wait.
The long reign of Manasseh passed at last, Amon
ruled but two years, and then the boy Josiah came to
the throne. As he grew to manhood the advocates of
purer religion discerned in him a kindred spirit, and
when in his eighteenth year a royal order was given
for the repair of the temple, the propitious time for re-
form was thought to have come. The new law was
" found " there and read to the king. The king was
greatly shocked. If this was really the law of Moses
the nation was indeed in a sorry state, for it had never
been observed. The days of paleography and of higher
criticism had not then dawned. Desiring to know
whether the new law was really the Law of Moses, Jo-
siah resorted to a religious test; he submitted it to an
aged prophetess named Huldah. She declared it to be
the genuine law; it met her views of what the original
requirements of the Mosaic code should have been, for
it was designed to meet the needs of the religious situa-
tion of the hour as she understood them. Accepting
this prophetic witness as to the character of the law,
Josiah set himself to carry it into effect, and a great
I20 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
religious reform was undertaken similar to that at-
tempted In the preceding century (II Kings, chaps. 22,
23)-
It has been frequently said by those unwiUing to ac-
cept the results of modern critical study, that if this is
the true account of the origin and introduction of Deu-
teronomy the prophetic party was guilty of fraud, and,
if guilty of fraud, the book would be unworthy to form
a part of divine revelation. This is not, however, a
valid objection. Ethics as well as revelation has been
progressive, and it Is unfair to judge ancient men by
standards which have become ruling ideals only since
they died. The conduct of those who secured the in-
troduction of Deuteronomy was quite in accord with
the best conscience of that age. No man of that time
stood nearer to the ideal standard than Jeremiah; no
man in the whole pre-Christian period carried revela-
tion forward by greater strides than he. Nevertheless
Jeremiah, at the instigation of King Zedeklah, once
took a course not In accord with the highest ethics ( Jer.
38:14-27).
Five years before the finding of the law Jeremiah,
then a very young man, had begun to prophesy. Dur-
ing the early years of his prophetic activity a great ter-
ror hung over the land. Assyria was rapidly declin-
ing in power, but hordes of barbarians were streaming
along the Philistine lowlands and threatening to over-
run the land; Herodotus calls them Scythians. Pour-
ing into Asia from what Is now southern Russia, they
DEUTERONOMY AND JEREMIAH 121
had half a century before this overrun large tracts to
the south of the Black Sea; now they moved southward
to the borders of Egypt (Herodotus i, 105). The
earlier prophecies of Jeremiah are filled with gloomy
forebodings of a disaster which is coming from the
north, and it is probable that these Scythians were in
his thoughts to be the agents of this catastrophe. The
little book of Zephaniah, which is from beginning to
end a gloomy prediction of woe, was probably written
under the shadow of the coming of this horde. Per-
haps it was fear that Yahweh was thus about to bring
chastisement upon the land for not having observed
his law that led Josiah so readily to inaugurate his re-
form when the law book was discovered.
The accomplishment of the reform undertaken by
Josiah was no less difficult than it had been eighty
years before when undertaken by Hezekiah. The same
forces of personal convenience, religious reverence, su-
perstition, and self-interest that had then defeated it
were arrayed against it now, and years of strenuous
labour on the part of the prophetic party were necessary
to secure its observance. Into this work the young
Jeremiah threw himself with ardour, and the notes of the
sermons of this period which the book of his prophecies
contains have for their theme the various aspects of this
struggle.
Just after the death of Assurbanipal (626 B.C.)
Babylon had, under a Chaldean dynasty, gained her in-
dependence. Assyria during the next twenty years rap-
122 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
idly declined to her fall. The twenty-sixth dynasty, es-
tablished now on the throne of Egypt, was ambitious to
rebuild again Egypt's empire in Asia. Thus it came
about that in the year 608 Necho marched into Asia
with an invading army. Josiah, apparently thinking
that the time was propitious to restore the empire of his
great ancestor, David, met Necho at Megiddo in battle,
but was defeated and killed. This is not the place to
recount the political events which followed. How
Necho for four years made Judah a vassal of Egypt,
how he was then defeated by Nebuchadnezzar at Car-
chemish, how Judah passed under Babylonian control,
how certain prophets and others continually sought by
the aid of Egypt to sever the bonds which bound Judah
to Babylon, how Jeremiah continually opposed these,
declaring that it was Yahweh's will that his land should
remain under Babylonian protection, how Jehoiakim
and Zedekiah disregarded Jeremiah's teaching and
brought on the captivities of 597 and 586, culminating
in the destruction of Jerusalem, and how Jeremiah he-
roically suffered during all this time, are matters of
common knowledge.
Jeremiah during his ministry advanced the religious
conception of his people in several respects. He re-
vived the main features of the teaching of Hosea,
dwelling as Hosea had done on the love of Yahweh
and interpreting the covenant between Yahweh and
Israel as a covenant of marriage. In tenderness and
depth of feeling he surpasses all his predecessors except
DEUTERONOMY AND JEREMIAH 1 23
Hosea. As the tragic events through which he hved
drove Jeremiah to seek anew the foundation of life, he
gained new light on five important points, advancing
in as many particulars the progress of revelation.
Jeremiah was the first Hebrew known to us who
reached a theoretical monotheism. Others, as we have
seen, had been practical monotheists, but it remained
for Jeremiah to declare that the gods of the heathen
were vanities — mere figments of the imagination (10:
15; 14:22).
The second point in which Jeremiah advanced the
thought of his people was the declaration that Yahweh
was willing to become the God of the nations as well
as the God of the Jews — that he would welcome the
repentant heathen to his worship (16: 17-21). Since
the recognition of this fact was necessary to the estab-
lishment of a religion that should be in any sense uni-
versal, this was a long step forward.
The third important point in Jeremiah's teaching is
his conception of the inwardness of religion. To the
prophets of the eighth century, religion was ethical; to
Jeremiah it was an experience of the heart. To him
the real covenant was not that at Horeb written upon
tables of stone, but a covenant written upon the heart
within ; not a law imposed upon the heart from without,
but such an experience of Yahweh in the inner man that
one does right from the impulses which spring from
the soul (31:31-34). Such was Jeremiah's concep-
tion of the religion of the future. The seer who could
124 ^^^ RELIGION OF ISRAEL
take that step in religious thought was surely one of
the greatest of the prophets.
Because Jeremiah regarded religion as a change of
heart rather than an outward institution the mainte-
nance of the ritual became to him a secondary consider-
ation. Isaiah had believed that the existence of the
temple was vital to the religion of Yahweh, and the
decimation of Sennacherib's army had vindicated this
faith. So far as we can see, the destruction of the
temple in Isaiah's time would have been disastrous to
the Hebrew religion. Such a faith in the security of
the temple might, however, lead to an over-confidence
which would produce unethical results. Moreover the
Mosaic covenant was now interpreted in a code which
required the greater part of the people to dispense with
sacrifice during the greater part of the year. Jere-
miah, conceiving religion as in its essence inward, was
able, therefore, to declare that if the people sinned the
temple would be destroyed, and the event justified his
belief. Dearly as he loved the temple he could see it
perish without losing his faith in Yahweh's presence and
power.
Jeremiah's other great contribution to religious
thought was his assertion of individual responsibility.
Among the Hebrews, as among other early Semites, the
family or clan had been regarded as the moral unit.
Not only had Achan, for example, been put to death
for his sin, but his whole house and even his cattle (Josh.
7: 22-25). No very high type of ethical or religious
DEUTERONOMY AND JEREMIAH 1 25
life was possible until the individual was regarded as
the moral unit, and it is to the credit of Jeremiah that
he led in asserting this fundamental truth (31 : 29, 30).
In the year 592 Ezekiel, a young priest, who had been
carried captive to Babylonia five years previously, be-
gan to prophesy, and it is one of the distinguishing fea-
tures of his work that he too championed the new doc-
trine of individualism (Ezek. chap. 18). Indeed he
gives it a reasoned form and a detailed explanation such
as the writings of Jeremiah, its enunciator, have not
preserved.
During the last six years before the fall of Jeru-
salem, Ezekiel in Babylonia was ably seconding the
work of Jeremiah. The first twenty-four chapters of
his book come from this period. It would seem that
frequent messengers went back and forth between Jeru-
salem and Babylonia so that Ezekiel knew what was oc-
curring in Jerusalem, and his prophecies were known
there. We learn from his book that the Deuteronomic
reform and the lofty thoughts of Jeremiah had not
touched the hearts of all. Women still worshipped
Tammuz and men worshipped the sun and did homage
to all sorts of animal totems, such as In primitive days
their Semitic ancestors had thought to be an embodi-
ment of their gods.
No nation moves forward In even ranks and Judah
was no exception to the rule. Prophetic reformers
might frame laws for the elevation of religion, and
great souls might carry its thoughts forward to glorious
126 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
heights, but among the rank and file custom and super-
stition must be slowly outgrown. The heights have no
attraction for many and to break with the past seems
dangerous, so they inertly perpetuate outgrown customs,
which have become meaningless. Yet the future lay
with the type of religion which the great soul of Jere-
miah had discerned, which he had so powerfully taught,
and for which through so many years he had suffered.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. The Reaction under Manasseh; cf. '' Molech " in the En-
cyclopaedia Biblica and '* Moloch " in the Jewish E?icyclopedia.
2. The problem of Deuteronomy; cf. " Deuteronomy " in the
Encyclopaedia Biblica.
3. A Comparison of Deuteronomy with the Book of the
Covenant: compare Ex. 20: 24-23: 19 with Deut. 12-26 section
by section using a reference Bible and a concordance as an aid
in finding the parallel portions.
4. The Life and Work of Jeremiah; cf. H. P. Smith, The
Religion of Israel, Chapter 9 and Cornill, The Prophets of Israel,
Chicago, 1897.
5. The Structure of the Book of Jeremiah; cf. S. R. Driver,
Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testarnent, 9th ed.
ch. iv, or Cornill, Introduction to the Canonical Books of the
Old Testament, pp. 295-311.
CHAPTER VIII
THE EXILE AND THE REORGANIZED JEWISH STATE
Ezekiel both Priest and Prophet — Ezekiel proposed Levites as Dis-
tinct Class — Cyrus — The Second Isaiah — Israel's Mission to
teach Yahweh to World — Zerubbabel — Rebuilding of the Tem-
ple—The Third Isaiah — The Code of Holiness — The Priestly
Document — Nehemiah — Introduction of the Priestly Law.
Ezekiel, who, as a prophet In Babylonia, had so
efficiently aided the work of Jeremiah during the six
years Immediately preceding the fall of Jerusalem, con-
tinued his prophetic work among the captives for more
than fifteen years after the destruction of his native
city. Before the close of his life he drew up a plan for
the reorganization of the political and religious polity of
his people, when their Institutions should be again es-
tablished In their own land. This plan, thrown Into
the form of visions, now occupies chaps. 40-48 of the
book of Ezekiel.
In Ezekiel two streams of Influence, once antagonis-
tic to each other, met and were reconciled. He was by
birth a priest and by calling a prophet. The traditions
of the priesthood were dear to him on account of early
association and personal participation; the moral and
spiritual aspirations of the prophets fired his soul and
commanded the devotion of his powers. He therefore
undertook to shape the ritual of the priesthood so that
127
128 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
it should become an Instrument for the preservation
and expression of the prophetic ideals. In this under-
taking he was but carrying on the work of the Deuter-
onomist, for, as previously pointed out, the Deuter-
onomic code was a fusion of ritual with prophetic ideals.
In this brief sketch we can notice but one aspect of
Ezekiel's work, but it is the part of it which most pro-
foundly affected the institutions of Judaism. In Deu-
teronomy priests and Levites were synonymous terms;
every Levite was a potential priest (see e.g., Deut. i8:
1-5). This Ezekiel changed. He tells us (44: 8-14)
that in former times the menial work of the sanctuary,
such as keeping the gates and slaying the sacrifices, had
been performed by foreigners. In the future he de-
clares that this shall not be done, but those Levites who
formerly officiated as priests in the high places shall
be deposed from their priesthood and shall in future be
degraded to this menial service. Thus Ezekiel created
a new class of temple servants by creating this distinc-
tion between priests and Levites. It is a distinction un-
known to the earlier religion, but everywhere assumed
in the priestly laws. All these laws are, accordingly,
later than Ezekiel.
After the death of Ezekiel the Babylonian empire
gradually waned. About 550 B.C. Cyrus the Great
overthrew the empire of the Medes and laid the foun-
dations of the Persian empire. The succeeding years
were occupied by his brilliant conquests, of which the
overthrow of Croesus, king of Lydia, In 546 B.C. was
THE REORGANIZED JEWISH STATE 1 29
but one. These brilliant achievements of the new con-
queror were known to the Hebrew captives in Babylon,
among whom a new prophet now arose. The name of
this prophet has been lost. Scholars call him the " sec-
ond Isaiah," because In the course of the centuries his
book was bound up with the work of Isaiah, the son of
Amoz, and now forms chaps. 40-55 of our Book of
Isaiah.
This nameless prophet, one of the world's greatest,
was an exponent of the monotheistic faith of his pro-
phetic predecessors. He foresaw that Cyrus, who was
everywhere so Irresistible, would conquer Babylon, and
with that magnificent faith which sees the manifesta-
tions of a living God In the events of contemporary
history he declared that Cyrus was Yahweh's creature,
and that it was for Yahweh and for Yahweh's people,
Israel, that Cyrus was winning his victories. When
Babylon fell Into his hands, and perhaps even before,
Cyrus Issued an edict permitting all captive peoples to
return to their lands and rebuild their institutions. This
was a reversal of a policy pursued by Assyrians and
Babylonians for two hundred years. These powers
had torn nations to shreds to prevent rebellion; Cyrus
proposed to bind the people to him by kindness and
gratitude. Foreseeing that through the victory of Cy-
rus this opportunity for Israel to return to her land
would come, our great prophet devoted his sermons de-
livered before the fall of Babylon In the year 538 (i. e.^
Isa., chaps. 40-48) to an endeavour to create In his
130 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
fellow-captives In Babylonia an enthusiasm to return
and rebuild their state, when the opportunity should
come. As the captives, many of whom were engaged
in prosperous business In Babylonia, did not avail them-
selves of this privilege when Cyrus triumphed In 538
B. c, a second series of addresses (Isa., chaps. 49-55)'
still further setting before them their opportunities and
obligations, followed.
The great contribution of this prophet to Israel's
religious thought consists of the new Interpretation
which he gave to Yahweh's choice of Israel, to Israel's
mission, and to Israel's sufferings. His Interpretation
was in brief this: Yahweh had chosen Israel to be his
interpreter to the world. Israel's election was accord-
ingly an election to service, not an election for his own
aggrandizement and glorification. His mission was to
be Yahweh's missionary to the world, and his sufferings
were a part of the appointed means by which he should
make Yahweh known to the nations. He graphically
represented Israel as Yahweh's servant; sometimes he
was an unfaithful servant, dull of understanding and
wayward of heart (Isa., 43: 22-24), but at times, the
chosen servant (41 : 8-9), upheld by Yahweh to bring
justice to the gentiles (42: 2-4; 49: 1-4), who heroic-
ally endured the Insults showered upon him (50: 4-9).
Finally, kings stand In astonishment at the servant's
awful fate, and wonder why it should be (52 : 15) when
they become conscious that his sufferings were for their
THE REORGANIZED JEWISH STATE 131
salvation (53:4-6).^ This Interpretation of Israel's
career reveals the prophet's profound Insight Into the
nature of God, man, and life; the agony of the best be-
comes Intelligible when Its vicarious value is understood.
This view gave the mission of Israel a moral signifi-
cance and a spiritual purpose which transfigured It.
Indeed the prophet had conceived an Ideal for the
nation that a nation could never fulfil. It remained
for Jesus of Nazareth, the Ideal Israelite, to take up In
his person and experience the work which the prophet
had conceived as possible for the nation, and to make
the Idea real.
The privileges granted by Cyrus had no immediate
effect upon the fortunes of Jerusalem. A governor of
the seed of David, Zerubbabel, whose name betrays his
Babylonian birth, became ruler of Jerusalem, but the
opportunities of gain which Babylonia offered proved
to the majority of Jews far more attractive than the
barren soil of Judaea. It thus came about that In the
year 520 b.C.^ nearly a score of years later, the condi-
tion of Jerusalem had not changed. Its population
was still the peasantry, who had never been carried to
Babylonia; Its temple and walls were still in ruins. ^
1 Many interpretations of the " servant passages " in Isaiah are en-
tertained by different scholars. These have given rise to an extensive
literature. The writer has given his own view above, and lack of
space makes the discussion of other views impossible.
2 This is the view presented in the contemporary prophets, Haggai
and Zechariah. Scholars rightly give these credence rather than the
late account in Ezra.
132 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Just at this time a drought occurred. In Palestine
an insufficient rainfall always causes a famine. As in
the days of David (II Sam. 21 : 1-14)) men sought to
understand why Yahweh had withheld his rain. Hag-
gai, who now began to prophesy, declared that Yahweh
was by this famine inflicting punishment upon his peo-
ple for not rebuilding the temple. Another new
prophet, Zechariah, appeared and enforced the same
teaching. Their words were taken to heart; the people
began to build. When the rainy season came around,
copious showers fell, and all were satisfied that the
prophets had rightly divined the cause of Yahweh's an-
ger. The building went steadily forward, and two
years later the temple was completed. Its splendour
was far inferior to that of the former building, but it
was nevertheless a " house " for Yahweh.
During this work the colony of Jews in Babylonia,
which was for many centuries known as the " Captiv-
ity," began to exert its great influence in Palestinian
affairs. They sent some gold and silver from which
crowns were to be made (Zech. 6: 9 ff.). As the text
now reads, these crowns were to be set on the head of
Joshua, the high priest, but many scholars believe that
originally the text contained here the name of Zerub-
babel. There were widespread revolts throughout the
Persian empire during the first six years of the reign
of Darius I. Babylon revolted twice, as did Susiana.
Media and many other provinces attempted to gain
their independence. Even his native Persia revolted
THE REORGANIZED JEWISH STATE 1 33
once. In the disturbed state of the empire, It Is prob-
able that the Jews thought their time had come, and,
hoping that Zerubbabel might prove a Messiah, strove
In vain to regain independence.
After the rebuilding of the temple, historical sources
fail us for more than seventy years. Probably It was
during this period that that prophet arose whose work
now constitutes Isa., chaps. 56-66. He endeavoured
to keep alive In Palestine the ideals for which the sec-
ond Isaiah had so eloquently pleaded In Babylonia. He
graphically portrayed the glory which awaited ZIon
(e.g., chap. 60), and endeavoured to keep before the
minds of his countrymen their great mission as the serv-
ant of Yahweh as this mission had been explained by
the second Isaiah (see 61:1-4; 62:1). His words
show that in at least one soul the highest Ideals were
still aflame, although the realization of them seemed
farther away than ever.
Incidentally we learn from this prophet that some of
the people had not yet been touched by the prophetic
conception of religion. Here and there men were still
found who sought relief from the hard fortunes of life
In sacrificing unclean animals to heathen gods (cf.
65: 11; 66:3-4).
Meantime the influences set In motion by Ezekiel
were at work In other minds. The so-called " Holiness
Code," compiled at some time before 500 B. c, and per-
1 Many scholars hold that this code was earlier than Ezekiel and that
Ezekiel was influenced by it. That there is a direct literary connection
134 ^^^ RELIGION OF ISRAEL
haps as early as the second Isaiah, by a writer whose
name Is now lost to us, though here and there interpo-
lated by later material, now forms the main part
of Lev., chaps. 17-26. Like Ezekiel, this writer was
devoted at once to the prophetic and priestly ideals.
Nowhere else in the Old Testament is the thought that
Yahweh is holy, and that, therefore, his people must be
holy, insisted upon with so much emphasis. He com-
piled a code of laws, many of which represented prac-
tices much older than his time, the main purpose of
which was to preserve the holiness of Israel. Holiness,
as here conceived, was, as among the early Semites,
partly a physical condition, but nevertheless there
breathes through his work a lofty and passionate devo-
tion to prophetic ideals, which links his work to Deut-
eronomy and to that of Ezekiel. A little later, but be-
fore 450 B. c, another writer compiled the main body
of priestly laws in the Pentateuch. To give his laws a
literary setting he composed an account of the creation
of the world, of the fortunes of the patriarchs, and of
the exodus, of the covenant at Sinai, and of the conquest
of Palestine. This writer carried the regulation of the
ritual of worship into much greater detail than previous
codifiers had done, though he, also, in many instances,
between the two, is acknowledged by all. To the mind of the present
writer the decisive evidence for the date given above is the full experi-
ence of exile and the promise of return expressed in Lev. 26:27-45.
Those who claim an earlier date for the writer of the code regard
26:30, 34 f., 39-45 as later interpolations, but there seems no sufficient
warrant for this.
THE REORGANIZED JEWISH STATE 1 35
did no more than give literary expression to many older
practices. By means of the literary setting that he gave
the whole it was made to appear that many of the insti-
tutions which the priesthood considered vital were
primeval. The Sabbath was traced back to creation
(Gen. 2: 1-3), circumcision, to Abraham (Gen., chap.
17), and the distinction between priests and Levites, to
Moses ( Num. 3 : 5-2 1 ff . ) .
The religious atmosphere of this priestly document
is very different from that of the prophetic writings.
Its author was, it is true, a devout monotheist, but he
apparently had no conception that God still communi-
cated with men. In his thought God was a very exalted
Being, all created things came into existence in simple
obedience to God's word — but God was very remote.
God had once spoken to Moses — how, we are not told
— and had given to Moses the laws. Now the nation
could know God only by obeying the laws thus divinely
given. In this code monotheism had triumphed, but it
had lost its warmth. The prophetic sense of familiar
communication with Yahweh, with all the inspiring ex-
periences which that involved, had given place to unim-
passioned obedience to the commands of a far-off God,
who once held communion with an especially favoured
man.
In the year 444 B. c, Nehemiah, a wealthy young He-
brew who was acting as a cupbearer to Artaxerxes I of
Persia, obtained appointment to the governorship of
Jerusalem, with permission to rebuild the walls. The
136 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
story of the energetic way in which he accomplished
this, contained in Neh., chaps. 1-7, is no doubt familiar
to every reader. As the text of Neh. 8-10 now stands,
it appears that at the Feast of Tabernacles in October
of that year a great concourse of people gathered be-
fore the water gate in Jerusalem, and Ezra, who is said
to have brought the book of the law from Babylon,
read the law to the assembled multitudes, and before
the month was over they had bound themselves to keep
it. Several scholars have in recent years expressed
doubts of the historical character of this representation,
and others, who find in it an historical kernel are in-
clined to think that it is here placed at too early a time.
This last view the writer shares. There is much reason
to believe that the mission of Ezra was later than that
of Nehemiah — perhaps so late that Nehemiah had
passed away before Ezra came from Babylonia.^ On
the other hand, there is evidence that the priestly law
had been Introduced Into Jerusalem before 419 B. c,
for In that year a letter was sent to the colony of Jews
at Elephantine In Egypt, directing them to keep the
Passover In accordance with the provisions of the
priestly law. It Is, in the writer's judgment, probable
1 See Batten, Ezra and Nehemiah In the International Critical Com-
mentary, p. 28 f., though the view set forth by Professor Batten does
not altogether commend itself.
2 See Sachau, Aramdische Papyrus und Ostraka aus einer jiidischen
Militdr-Kolonie zu Elephantine, Leipzig, 1911, No. 6; also Arnold in
Journal of Biblical Literature, XXXI, p. i f., and the writer in Journal
of Biblical Literature, XXXII, p. 256 f., and G. A. Barton, Archaeology
and the Bible, Philadelphia, 191 6, Part II, ch. xix, § 2.
THE REORGANIZED JEWISH STATE 1 37
that this law was Introduced in 432 b. c, when Nehe-
miah came back as governor the second time. When-
ever it was introduced, it would be natural that such an
assembly as that described here should be called to-
gether to hear the law. Even if the compiler of Nehe-
miah has confused its details and dated it incorrectly,
it probably represents a kernel of historical fact.
The law to which the people thus committed them-
selves certainly included the priestly code (cf. Neh.
8: 14 with Lev. 23:33 f.). Probably that code had
already been combined with the earlier documents sub-
stantially as we now find them in our Pentateuch, for
otherwise it could not have displaced the older legisla-
tion. This combination was made so skilfully that the
priestly laws seemed naturally to be the heart of the
whole and the basis of the covenant with Yahweh at
Horeb. To the superficial reader of the Pentateuch
this still seems to be the case.
The introduction of the priestly legislation brought
into Jewish life a puritanic spirit. Nehemiah and
Ezra, who directed the movement, were ardent expo-
nents of this spirit. In the language of the priestly
laws, Israel was a " holy congregation." Nehemiah
and Ezra determined that the nation should merit the
name. In their view this could not be if Hebrews were
not of pure blood, or if they associated closely with for-
eigners. They accordingly compelled those who had
married foreign wives to put them away.
This movement to purify the " congregation " of all
138 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
foreign elements led to a schism. At Samaria there had
existed for almost three hundred years a group of peo-
ple who were anxious to be regarded as rightful wor-
shippers of Yahweh. A part of their ancestry had been
brought from eastern countries by Sargon of Assyria
(II Kings 17: 24-34), but these had at an early date
embraced the worship of the God of Israel. These for-
eigners had Intermarried with the Israelite peasantry
whom Sargon left behind. In reality their descendants
were of as pure a Hebrew stock as many a Judaean,
although, unfortunately, the coming of their foreign an-
cestors was such a notorious historical fact that the
Judaeans refused to recognize their Hebrew descent.
From the beginning of Nehemlah's administration there
was friction with these Samaritans. How tenaciously
the Samaritans clung to the monotheistic worship of
Yahweh and to Hebrew ideals is shown by the fact that
they persisted in sharing the worship at Jerusalem until
after the Introduction of the priestly laws, which, like
the Jews, they accept as a part of their torah. The
puritanic movement, inaugurated by Nehemlah and
Ezra, finally led them to withdraw, and. In time they
built a rival temple on Mount Gerizlm. The friction
caused by this schism lasted for many centuries (cf.
John 4: 20-21).
Nehemlah and Ezra organized, not only the life of
the people, but the ritual. The various orders of Le-
vites were assigned their duties, some of them becoming
the temple musicians. It was probably at this time that
THE REORGANIZED JEWISH STATE 139
the first book of the Psalter, which then consisted of
Psalms 3-41, was compiled and edited. It was named
for David; why, we cannot now tell. Perhaps the hymn
with which It opened was, or was believed to be, written
by David. It contained, however, the work of many
later poets. Psalms 8 and 19, for example, make defi-
nite allusion to the work of the author of the priestly
document.
In the period between Ezeklel and Nehemlah the
prophetic movement reached Its end. Never since has
Israel produced prophets like those who composed Isa.,
chaps. 40-66. The two or three minor prophets who
appeared later are so far inferior that they do not come
into comparison. In Isa. 40-66 the last great exponents
of prophecy gave utterance to some of Its profoundest
and most spiritual Ideals.
This period, too, witnessed the culmination of that
movement which transformed the Hebrew nation Into
the Jewish church. This transformation began with the
prophets of the eighth century; It had produced the
fusion of prophetic and legal Ideas In Deuteronomy,
the blending of the prophetic and priestly Interests In
Ezeklel and the author of the Holiness Code, and
finally the austere monotheistic laws of the priestly
document. The external fortunes of the nation had
providentially facilitated the adoption of the higher
Ideals, and the effort to conserve these ideals had called
into existence a ritual which for ever separated Israel
from the heathen cults of her kindred.
140 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. The Temple as Rebuilt; cf. "Temple, the Second" in
the Jeivish Encyclopedia, Vol. XII, p. 97 ff.
2. The Servant of Yahweh ; cf . Budde, " The So-called
* Ebed-Yahweh Songs ' and the Meaning of the Term ' Servant
of Yahweh ' in Isaiah, Chaps. 40-55," in The American Journal
of Theology, HI, pp. 499-540.
3. The Nature and Influence of the Babylonian Exile; cf.
J. P. Peters, The Religion of the Hebrews, Boston, 1914, chap-
ter XX.
4. The Relation of the P. Document to the Babylonian Cre-
ation-Myth; cf. G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Phil-
adelphia, 2nd ed., 1917, Part II, chapter i.
5. The Conception of God in the P. Document; read the
document as arranged in Addis, Documents of the Hexateuch,
London, 1 892-1 898, Vol. II, noting the conception of God.
6. The Origin of the Levitical Cities; cf. G. A. Barton,
" The Levitical Cities of Israel in the Light of the Excavation
at Gezer" in The Biblical World, Vol. XXIV, pp. 167-179-
CHAPTER IX
LEGALISM
Legal Attitude of Malachi — Beginnings of the Psalter — The Law as
a Background for Piety — Persecution under Persians — Alexander
the Great — Chronicles — The Last of the Prophets — Universality
in Religion — The Synagogue — The Maccabaean Revolt — Ni-
canor's Day — Simon Prince and High Priest — Completion of the
Psalter — Psalmists praise the Law — Pharisees and Sadducees —
The Oral Law — Hillel and Shammai — Nature of Oral Law —
Mishna and Talmud.
With the adoption of the Levltical law in the time of
Nehemiah the foundations of Judaism had been laid,
but the edifice was not completed. During the centu-
ries which followed the superstructure was gradually
erected. The Jews who were resident in Palestine seem
to have accepted the law at once, though the acceptance
on the part of many of them was not enthusiastic. The
prophecy which now passes under the name of Malachi
was apparently written to persuade the Jews faithfully
to support the law. Whether it was written before
Nehemiah's reforms or soon after them. Is a point on
which scholars are not agreed. It seems probable that
it was written before that reform. In any case It is
clear that the message of this book Is addressed to an
age whose Ideals were legalistic, and that it is the proph-
et's effort to persuade the men of the time to live up to
these Ideals. He says in 3 : 8 f . :
141
142 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Will a man rob God ? Yet ye rob me.
But ye say, Wherein have we robbed thee?
In tithes and offerings
Ye are cursed with a curse;
For ye rob me, even this whole nation.
Bring ye the whole tithe into the storehouse,
That there may be food in my house,
And prove me now herewith.
Says Yahweh of hosts.
Whether I will not open the windows of heaven,
And pour you out a blessing
Until there is no more need.
This utterance Is In striking contrast with that of
Amos 5: 25, which declared that sacrifice was no part
of the original religion of Yahweh. MalachI, on the
other hand, makes all blessing depend upon the faithful
fulfilment of the ritual. When Prophets took this at-
titude It Is clear that the age of the free spirit of proph-
ecy had passed and the age of legalism was approaching.
The law was not only accepted by those In Jerusalem,
but was soon disseminated among Jews who were resid-
ing abroad. The letter In which Information concern-
ing one part of It was conveyed to the Jewish colony
at Elephantine In Egypt has In part survived. It was
written In 419 B. c. by one Hananlah, who was, per-
haps, a brother of Nehemlah.^ The correspondence
1 See G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Philadelphia, Part II,
ch. xix, § 2.
LEGALISM 143
from Elephantine Indicates that the new law was ac-
cepted there and obeyed, and that, in consequence, the
Jews resident in Egypt became more obnoxious to their
Egyptian neighbours than they had been before.
After the reorganization of the time of Nehemiah,
one of the first undertakings was to provide the re-
formed religion a suitable hymn book. Our present
Psalter, as will be pointed out more fully in another
chapter, is the result of a gradual compilation, but the
beginning of its growth dates probably from this time.
The first book of Psalms, comprising Psalms 3-41, was
apparently compiled during this period. It is alto-
gether probable that older hymns were included in the
compilation, but we may be sure that such were re-edited
to express the religious point of view of the reformed
faith. An age that did not hesitate to readjust the
laws of the Book of the Covenant (Ex. 20: 24-23: 19)
and of Deuteronomy so that the code of Leviticus should
appear to be the heart of the whole legislation of
Moses, would, we may be sure, take good care that the
sentiments expressed in the hymn book did not belie
those expressed in the law.
It is often a relief to pious souls, especially to those
of a certain type, to have the requirements of religion
laid down in a set of definite rules that can be clearly
known. One, it is thought, then knows when he Is
righteous and when he is not. There Is a definite stand-
ard by which the achievements of life can be measured.
It is easy to understand, therefore, how the law, which
144 'T^^^ RELIGION OF ISRAEL
had reached Its completion In this period, was venerated
by some of the best spirits of the time. One of these
has beautifully expressed his appreciation of It In Ps.
19: 7 f.:
The law of Yahweh is perfect, restoring the soul ; ^
The testimony of Yahweh is sure, making wise the simple;
The precepts of Yahweh are right, rejoicing the heart;
The commandment of Yahweh is pure, enlightening the eyes;
The fear of Yahweh is clean, enduring for ever;
The ordinances of Yahweh are true, and righteous altogether.
More to be desired are they than gold, even much fine gold,
Sweeter also than honey and the honeycomb.
Also thy servant is warned by them; in keeping them is great
reward.
Thus the life of puritanic legalism began by evoking
deep sentiments of thanksgiving and gratitude.
During much of the following period our sources af-
ford almost no Information as to what was happening
to the little colony In Jerusalem. Until the year 332
B. c. Judea was under Persian rule, and so far as we
can tell few events of Importance occurred. It Is In-
ferred from Josephus, Antiquities, xl. 7:1, that about
350 B. c. the Palestinian Jews made another unsuccess-
ful attempt to regain their Independence, In consequence
of which the Persian governor punished them severely.
This unsuccessful revolt called forth a new wave of
national sentiment, and was, perhaps, the occasion of
the compilation of two more books of the Psalter. In
1 Literally " bringing the soul back from captivity."
LEGALISM 145
these books the attitude of devotion toward the law Is
taken for granted. Thus Ps. 78, which Is a long poeti-
cal review of the fortunes of the nation as those for-
tunes are recounted In the earlier Scriptures, begins :
Give ear, O my people, to my law:
Incline your ear to the words of my mouth.
A little further on It assigns the following reason :
For he established a testimony in Jacob,
And appointed a law in Israel,
Which he commanded our fathers,
That they should make them known to their children.
(Ps. 78:5.)
Thus In the passing of these years, of which we have
almost no outward record, the law continued to evoke
the devotion of some of the best minds.
With Alexander's conquest the Jews passed under
Greek control, and when the wars which followed Alex-
ander's death were over the Jews were for a hundred
years subject to the Ptolemies of Egypt. Suffering
much from the contentions of the Seleuclds of Antloch
and the Ptolemies, they finally passed In 199 b. c. under
the control of the Seleuclds. During much of this time
they had been left to govern themselves with little out-
side Interference. Jewish colonies were established In
increasing numbers all over the eastern Mediterranean,
and contact with foreigners tended to broaden the
thought of many Jews. In time the devotees of the
146 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
law produced the Book of Chronicles — an expurgated
edition of the history of Israel. This work represents
the great worthies of the nation as keeping the Levitical
law, and David as assigning to the Levites their duties !
Then as now the Influence of ritualism was not wholly
bad. Mystically Inclined souls made it the basis of an
attractive piety. Such a piety is not the most spiritual,
but It may be thoroughly genuine.
Early in the Greek period the last of the prophets
lived. What name he bore we do not know. His work
in later time was bound up with that of the prophet
Zechariah and now forms chapters 9-14 of the book of
that prophet. Perhaps the prophet bore the same name
as that of the contemporary of Haggai. It may be that
it was identity of name that led to the fusion of their
prophecies.
That this second Zechariah lived in the Greek period
is clearly shown by Zech. 9: 13, and other considera-
tions lead us to think that he lived in the third century
B. c. This writer was conscious that he was the last of
the prophets, for he predicts that in future there shall
be no more prophets, and that, if any one shall presume
to prophesy his father and mother shall assist in putting
him to death (Zech. 13:3). His prediction was ful-
filled. No more prophets arose. An incident of the
time of the Maccabees (see i Mace. 4 •46) shows how
pathetically Israel longed for the guidance of the pro-
phetic voice which was heard no longer.
This prophet was not so completely absorbed in the
LEGALISM 147
law as Malachi, but he nevertheless took the law and
its institutions for granted. He, like the author of
Micah 4: 1-5, looked for a time when the religion of
Israel should become universal, and should command
the devotion of the nations of the earth. This devotion
was in his opinion to be manifested in an annual coming
of all peoples to Jerusalem to observe the feast of Tab-
ernacles; that is, it was to be manifested in a ritual
observance of at least a part of the law.
The hold of the law on the Jewish people was greatly
strengthened by the institution of the synagogue, the
origin and development of which are shrouded in great
obscurity. With the adoption of the Deuteronomic law
all sanctuaries except one were done away. So long as
no substitute was provided this reform deprived all
Jews who resided outside of Jerusalem of the privilege
of worship except on those rare occasions when they
could go to Jerusalem. Such a situation was naturally
intolerable, and the synagogue was called into existence
to relieve it. It is thought by some that synagogues be-
gan to be employed during the Babylonian exile. How-
ever this may be it is certain that many of them existed
in Babylonia in later time, but the same is true of all
other communities of Jews outside of Palestine. There
were many synagogues in Palestine itself before the
Maccabaean revolt, for a passage often ascribed to the
Maccabaean period complains:
" They have burned up all the synagogues of God in the land."
(Ps. 74:8.)
148 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
It is certain therefore that the synagogue had its origin
at some time after the adoption of the Deuteronomic
law and before the Maccabaean uprising.
In the synagogue there was no sacrifice; it was a
place for the reading and exposition of the law. No
ornate ritual distracted the attention from the great
regulations of the Pentateuch. Though the voice of
God was thought no longer to speak to the chosen
people as it had once done through the prophets, or as
God had done face to face with Moses and the Patri-
archs, yet here were the commands that God had ut-
tered to these holy men in the days of old. They were
commands of life; to keep them was to obtain God's
favour. The synagogue centred the attention upon
them; it tended to exalt the law.
In Jerusalem itself much eagerness was manifested
for Grecian forms of life, though deep devotion to the
law remained in many faithful hearts. In 168 B.C.
Antiochus Epiphanes endeavoured to blot out the Jew-
ish religion and to Hellenize the Jews. An altar to
Zeus was to be established in the temple at Jerusalem
and swine offered in sacrifice upon it. In the smaller
towns altars were to be erected and similar sacrifices
made. The priests and people of Jerusalem yielded to
the royal order without serious struggle, but in the
little village of Modein, on the borders of the Philis-
tine plain, Mattathias, an old priest, struck down the
pliant Jew who was offering a sacrifice to Zeus and
called the Jews to war. The band who followed him
LEGALISM
149
and his seven stalwart sons was small, but for a year
they maintained themselves. At the same time others
besides them were faithful. We hear of a woman and
seven sons who remained constant to their religion
under torture and who suffered cruel deaths; (see 2
Mace. 7). Reference is probably made to this family
in Heb. 11 : 35, 36. Those who held views like those
of Mattathias and this devoted mother called them-
selves Chasidhn, or " the pious." These followed the
old priest and with extraordinary courage they with-
stood the mighty Syrians. Mattathias held out under
the hardships but little more than a year. When he
passed away he exhorted his sons to follow the lead-
ership of his son Judas, although he was not the oldest
of the family. This they did. Judas with great cour-
age and consummate generalship defeated the Syrians
In three separate battles, and was able in December,
165 B.C., just three years after the temple had been
defiled by the sacrifice of swine to Zeus on Its altar, to
dedicate It again to the worship of Yahweh. This
dedication was a great event — so great that it was
afterward commemorated annually in a new festival,
called the Feast of the Dedication, which is mentioned
In John 10: 22. Because of his great successes Judas
was called Makkab, or " The Hammer," and so the
war came to be called the Maccabaean war.
The Syrians kept up the struggle with varying suc-
cess. In 161 B.C. Judas won a signal victory over the
Syrian general NIcanor under circumstances which
150 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
caused great joy among the Jews. This victory was
celebrated in a yearly festival known for a time as
Nicanor's Day, but which Is now called the Feast of
Purim.
With the restoration of their religion the Chasidim
were satisfied, but not so the Maccabaean brothers.
They now aimed at political Independence, and, accord-
ingly, prolonged the war. The defection of the Chasi-
dim greatly weakened them, and reverses followed.
The war was prolonged for twenty-five years from Its
beginning, and was not terminated until 143 B.C. The
Maccabees would soon have been crushed out, but for
the rivalries in the royal house of the Seleucldae In
Syria. Judas was killed in battle In 161 B.C., when
his brother Jonathan became leader. As one Syrian
faction after another tried to obtain the support of
the Jews Jonathan dextrously advanced the fortunes
of the nation. In 153 B.C. Jonathan became high priest,
and when, ten years later, Jonathan was treacherously
murdered by one of the Syrian leaders, his brother
Simon, the only survivor of the seven sons of Matta-
thlas, succeeded to the honour.
In the same year a new treaty with Demetrius II of
Syria acknowledged the independence of Judah, and
an assembly of the Jews was held In Jerusalem at which
It was ordained that " Simon should be their prince
and high priest for ever, until there should arise a faith-
ful prophet" (I Mace. 14:41). In the judgment of
LEGALISM 151
many scholars Psalm no was written at this time and
addressed to Simon.
This struggle, resulting in a political liberty such
as they had not possessed for six hundred years, cre-
ated among the Jews a new devotion to their country
and their God, and made a deep impress upon their
religion and literature. Under the Asmonaean kings,
who were descended from the Maccabees, and who
ruled down to 63 B.C., the limits of the realm were ex-
tended almost as far as in the glorious reigns of David
and Solomon.
As a part of the expression of the new national and
religious spirit evoked by the achievement of this inde-
pendence an addition was made to the Psalter. Books
iv and v of that hymnal were probably collected at this
time. The greater part of that collection we leave
for consideration at a later point, and call attention
here to but one psalm, as that psalm is a remarkable
witness to the place held by the law in the affections
of the pious Jews of the time. Reference is made to
Ps. 119 which is a collection of alphabetical eight-hne
verses on the law.
For some time Hebrew psalmists had been fond of
writing alphabetical acrostics, or psalms, each verse of
which should begin with a successive letter of their
alphabet. The author of Ps. 119 carried this device
further. He composed a poem in which the law is cele-
brated, employing first eight verses, each one of which
152 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
begins with Aleph, the first letter of the alphabet, then
eight verses, each one of which begins with Beth, the sec-
ond letter, and so on throughout the twenty-two letters
of his alphabet. The result Is a hymn consisting of 176
verses. As eight different words for law are employed
It Is an eight-fold psalm In more senses than one.
The Impressive thing about the psalm Is the writer's
devotion to the law — a devotion which Is thoroughly
sincere, and which almost exhausts language as it seeks
expression. He begins with
Blessed are they that are perfect in the way
Who walk in the law of Jehovah.
He prays:
Open thou mine eyes, that I may behold
Wondrous things out of thy law, (v. 18).
Again he exclaims:
Oh how I love thy law!
It Is my meditation all the day. (v. 97).
Toward the end he declares:
Great peace have they that love thy law;
And they have no occasion of stumbling, (v. 165).
It was out of such devotion as this that Pharisaism
grew.
At the beginning of the Maccabaean outbreak the
Chasidim, as we have pointed out, supported the Mac-
cabees. When, however, religious liberty had been se-
LEGALISM 153
cured and the Maccabees pushed on, won political lib-
erty, and established a worldly state they lost the sym-
pathy of the Chasidim. These Jewish puritans thought
a high priest, who was at the same time a worldly
prince, and who often treated religious matters from
the point of view of statecraft, a renegade. As time
went on the friction increased, and in the reign of Alex-
ander Jannaeus, 104-79 ^-C, the opposition of this
party, which had taken the name of Pharisees, or " sep-
aratists," caused much embarrassment to the govern-
ment. When Alexander left the government to his
widow, Alexandra, in 79 b. c, he counselled her to rule
in accordance with pharisaical ideas, and thus the Phar-
isees, who were the most numerous element in Judaism,
became dominant.
Out of this friction the opposition party, the Saddu-
cees grew. They were the Maccabaean or Asmonaean
house and its friends. They included the priestly,
wealthy, and aristocratic class. They were officially,
but not enthusiastically religious, and it is probable that
the name Sadducees, " righteous ones," was given them
in derision.
The Pharisees were radical where the Sadducees were
conservative, and conservative where the Sadducees
were radical. Along with the supernaturalization of
the messianic hope and faith in a resurrection there
had grown up a belief in numerous demons and angels.
The apocalypses of the period contain many of their
names, so definite had their personalities become in
154 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
the popular thought. All this, together with the new
doctrine of the resurrection, the Pharisees accepted,
but the more sceptical Sadducees did not. Some of
the psalmists had protested against the resurrection —
It seemed so Incredible to them (see Ps. 88: lo; 115:
17) — and the Sadducees fully shared their views. As
to the observance of the details of the law, the Sad-
ducees were much less strict.
Naturally, as the Pharisees were so much more In-
terested In the law, there arose from their ranks the
copyists and students of the law, who were called
scribes. In order to enable faithful Jews to be sure
that they were observing the law, a " hedge " of oral
tradition was gradually collected about it, and schools
of the law were established. So far as we can trace
these schools they began in the reign of Herod the
Great, just before the beginning of our era. Naturally
there were differences of opinion among the Pharisees.
The school of Shammai interpreted the law with great
strictness, while Hillel, who had come from the captiv-
ity in Babylon to establish a school In Jerusalem, Inter-
preted it far more liberally. For a long time these
interpretations were not committed to writing; both
students and teachers carried them In the memory. Ul-
timately, expanded by later teachers, they became the
Jewish MIshna.
In their zeal to observe the law rightly these legal
schools developed In time a vast body of tradition which
dealt with all the details of life. The law forbade
LEGALISM 155
work on the Sabbath, but obviously people could not
live without dressing and eating. Some work was ac-
cordingly necessary, so a vast body of traditions as to
what could and could not be done developed. These
traditions descended to such details that they defined
the kind of knots that a woman could tie and untie
In making her toilet without breaking the Sabbath.
Again Leviticus (19:29, 23:22) commanded that,
In reaping, the corners of a field should not be cut, but
should be left for the poor. This law was Indefinite,
and pious farmers were anxious to know just what It
was necessary to do to observe the law. How much
must be left for the poor In order to satisfy the divine
requirement? If a man left only one stalk standing
had he broken the law? Must the standing grain nec-
essarily be left In a corner? Would not the middle of
the field do? Did the law apply only to grain? Did
It not apply to leguminous plants as well? Did It also
apply to vineyards, olive trees, date orchards and pome-
granates? If two men shared a field did they both
have to leave a corner? If a man left a " corner " for
the poor and they did not take It, how long must he
wait before he could take It himself? If through for-
getfulness an owner left more than was Intended In a
field, could he return and get It, or must It all be left
as a " corner"? Gradually the answers to these ques-
tions were worked out. It was decided that the law
applies to trees as well as to grains, that a just man
would leave one-slxtleth of the produce of the field.
156 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
though this might vary according to the size of the field,
its fertility, or the number of the poor. If, however,
a man left one stalk he could not be said to have broken
the law ! ^
In a similar way all the details of life and of devotion
were covered. After about 200 a.d. the traditions that
had accumulated between HlUel and that time were
written down in what is called the MIshna. The law
went on developing through additional commentaries
for four hundred years longer. The commentaries
written between 200 and 600 A.D. make up the Gemara.
The MIshna and Gemara together comprise the vast
storehouse of the Jewish Talmud.
Of course most of this Talmud comes from a time
later than the Christian era. Only the merest nucleus
can be traced back to Hillel and Shammai. Neverthe-
less as one studies its vast elaboration of the details of
life, he gains his best Insight into the Pharisaism of
the time of Christ. He appreciates the genuine re-
ligious desire of the Rabbis, their reverence for the
past, their love for the law of God, their conviction
that the living voice of God was now silent, and their
pathetic loss of the best in religion as they were occu-
pied with Its little details.
Pharisaism was a not unnatural culmination of that
regard for external law that, with the introduction of
the priestly code and the dying out of prophecy, be-
1 These regulations and opinions are collected in the tract of the
Mishna and Talmud entitled Peak or *' Corner."
LEGALISM 157
came the ruling Idea of Jewish religion. And yet, as
we shall see In future chapters, this was but one line
of development In the varied life of post-exUIc Judaism.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. Legalism, its Origin and Nature; cf. Marti, Religion of
the Old Testament, New York, 1907, chapter iv.
2. The Influence of the Maccabaean Struggle on Judaism;
cf. John P. Peters, The Religion of the Hebrews, Boston, 19 14,
Chapter xxvii.
3. Pharisaism; cf. Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, III, pp.
821-829, or Jewish Encyclopedia, IX, pp. 661-666.
4. The Oral Law; cf. The Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. IX, pp.
423-426.
5. The Synagogue, its Organization and Services; cf. Jeivish
Encyclopedia, Vol. XI, pp. 619-631.
CHAPTER X
DEVELOPMENT OF THE PRIESTHOOD AND RITUAL
Primitive Priests Older Men — Leivi as a Priest not necessarily of Tribe
of Levi — Possible Origin of Leivi — Priesthood in Time of
Moses — In Time of Judges — Eli and Samuel — In Time of David
and Solomon — Under the Two Kingdoms — Influence of Deuteron-
omic Law on Priesthood — Ezekiel Creates Levites — After Exile
Priest represents Nation — Under Ptolemies Practical Rulers — Ori-
gin of Priestly Cities — Development of Ritual of Feasts — Day of
Atonement.
Among the Semitic nomads the priestly functions are
performed by the heads of families, or the older men,
the sheiks. It was probably so among the early He-
brews. According to a later tradition the tribe of Levi
was, In the time of Moses, chosen to have a monopoly
of the priestly office. There Is, however, much In the
Bible that shows that this tribe possessed no such mo-
nopoly during the early periods of the history, and there
is a plausible theory that the tradition arose through
an accidental, though natural, confusion of two similar
words. The evidence can be most conveniently pre-
sented by reviewing the material in chronological se-
quence.
It Is clear from the early traditions that there was a
tribe of Levi (Hebrew lewi) that met with some dis-
aster during the struggle for the possession of Palestine,
— a disaster that was regarded as a punishment for
158
PRIESTHOOD AND RITUAL 1 59
wickedness; (see Gen. 34: 25 ff. ; 49: 5-7). It Is, how-
ever, doubtful whether this tribe was more definitely
connected with the priesthood than any other. It seems
probable that it was reduced to a few remnants that
were scattered and absorbed by other tribes.
The narrative In Ex. 32:26-29, from the J docu-
ment, suggests that Lewi or Levlte as applied to a
priest may have had quite a different origin. It Is a
story of how In a crisis In the wilderness, when the
religion of Yahweh was in danger, Moses stood In the
gate and said: "Whoso Is on Yahweh's side let him
to me." The Hebrew sentence contains no verb,
though the Greek has " let him come to me." It is
possible that the Hebrew originally had leweh //, " let
him be joined to me." The narrative then goes on to
state that all the sons of lewi joined themselves to
Moses, that he sent them through the camp to slay the
apostates, and after that he bade them " fill " their
" hands " 1 to Yahweh. This term " fill the hand " is
the term employed In the Book of Judges for the conse-
cration of a priest (Jud. 17:5-12), so that It seems
probable that this story related how the lewirn, who had
the privileges of exercising the priesthood of Yahweh,
acquired the right as a reward for their zeal at a time
when Yahweh's religion was In danger. This Is borne
out by the fact that in the later history men who were
descendants of the tribes of Ephraim and Judah acted
as priests.
1 Revised Version renders " consecrate yourselves."
l6o THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
The priesthood in the time of Moses, according to
Ex. 33:7-11 (an extract from the E document) con-
sisted of the guardianship of a shrine and the right to
consult Yahweh there. This shrine was a tent, called
the Tent of Meeting, pitched apart from the camp, to
which Moses went for consultation with Yahweh, and
to which Yahweh came down in a cloud to meet Moses.
The perpetual guardian of this tent, who departed not
out of it, was Joshua, not a member of the tribe of
Levi, but an Ephraimite. It was only Moses, how-
ever, who received the oracles. Priesthood is here
portrayed as the keeping of a shrine and the ability to
obtain oracles, and at least one of those who partici-
pated in it was not a descendant of the patriarch Levi.
He may well have been one of the lewim who joined
Moses in the crisis referred to in Ex. 32 : 26 ff.
In the time of the Judges the priesthood was not at
all fixed according to the Levitical rules of later days.
Micah, an Ephraimite, though he thought it better to
have a lewi for a priest, if he could obtain one, had no
hesitation in making one of his own sons priest until
he could do so (Jud. 17.) The lewi who at the begin-
ning of the story lived at Bethlehem in Judah was not
provided in advance with a living by such a system as
that embodied in the Levitical law, but was under the
necessity of going out to seek his fortune like any other
poor boy. The sequel of the story too reveals the fact
that this youth, whose double dealing led to such per-
sonal advancement that he became the founder of the
PRIESTHOOD AND RITUAL l6l
long line of priests at the shrine of Dan, was a grand-
son of Moses. ^ The attitude toward the priesthood
that prevailed In the period of the Judges Is quite con-
sistent with the view that the lewini who joined (lawu)
themselves to Yahweh In some crisis In the wilderness
established the presumption that they and their descend-
ants had a better right to the priesthood than others.
It Is quite Inconsistent with the view that the exclusive
right to the priesthood had been granted to members
of the tribe of Levi.
At the opening of the book of I Samuel Eli was priest
at the shrine of Shilo. The shrine was not a tent, but
a building with doors (I Sam. 3 : 15). Nothing Is said
as to whether Eli was a descendant of the tribe of Levi
or of Ephralm, but it Is noteworthy that the young
Samuel, the son of an Ephralmlte, was received into
the temple as an acolyte, and slept in the holy of holies
where the ark of God was (I Sam. 3:3). Samuel was
thus trained for the priesthood, and, when grown, him-
self offered sacrifices (I Sam. 7:9, 10; 9:13; 15 * 33 ;
16:3 ff.). During this period something of the old
Semitic function of the priest as a seer or giver of ora-
cles still remained, for Samuel was even more noted as
a seer than as a priest.
During the reigns of David and Solomon and the
early days of the divided kingdom similar conditions
prevailed In the priesthood. David made his sons
priests (II Sam. 8: 18), although the chief priest was
1 Judges 18: 30.
l62 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Ablathar, a descendant of Ell, with whom, toward the
end of David's reign, Zadok was associated. Abiathar
was displaced by Solomon because he had favoured the
accession of Adonijah, and Zadok was put in his place
(I Kings 2:27, 35). As time passed on the succes-
sion of priests of the line of Zadok became as regular
in Jerusalem as the succession of kings of the line of
David, nevertheless the right to officiate in offering
sacrifice was not confined to priestly families. Elijah,
the Gileadite, built altars and offered sacrifices, al-
though it is nowhere claimed that he was a Levite (I
Kings 18:30-38).
In the lapse of time the priests of the great shrines,
especially of those that received royal patronage, be-
came personages of influence and importance. At
Bethel in the time of the prophet Amos Amaziah the
priest appears to have been an important official (Amos
7 : 10) . At Jerusalem in the time of Athaliah Jehoiada
the priest was sufficiently powerful to organize a re-
belHon (II Kings 11:4 ff-)^ while Urijah in the days
of Ahaz was the friend both of the king and the
prophet Isaiah (II Kings 16: 10; Isa. 8:2).
During these prosperous centuries it was natural that
the wealth of all the shrines in the land should in-
crease, and that the priests who controlled this wealth
should increase in power and influence. The wealth
thus acquired was in many instances invested in land
in the vicinity of the city in which the priests officiated.
In course of time, therefore, there were large priestly
PRIESTHOOD AND RITUAL 1 63
estates in and about the cities where temples or high
places were situated.
The priesthood thus became a prosperous class, and
to a degree averse to the performance of the manual
labour of the priesthood. In many instances they
owned foreign slaves whom they compelled to perform
the menial labour connected with the shrines and the
sacrifices (Eze. 44:7).
The promulgation of the Deuteronomic law in 621
B. C. had a profound influence on the fortunes of the
priesthood. The abolition of all the shrines except the
one at Jerusalem threw many of them out of employ-
ment. While there were large estates in the hands of
priestly families, — estates accumulated through cen-
turies of exercise of the priestly office, — yet many of
these estates, especially in the northern kingdom, had
been devastated by the Assyrian invasions. The Deu-
teronomic law endeavoured to remedy the distress
caused by the centralization of the worship by providing
that any priest might come to Jerusalem from any part
of the land and exercise the priestly office in Jerusalem
(Deut. 18:6-8). The idealists who framed the law
thought thus to prevent the priestly emoluments from
becoming a monopoly in the hands of the descendants
of Zadok. The vested interests of that house in the
sanctuary at Jerusalem proved to be more potent than
the Deuteronomic law, even though that law was be-
lieved to be the law of Moses. The priests from the
high places or country shrines were not permitted to
164 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
enter the sanctuary at Jerusalem as priests or to share
in the income that was to be derived from that source
(II Kings 23 : 9). It thus came about that there were
during the last years of the kingdom of Judah many
priests and members of priestly families who were with-
out occupation or income. Even had they been permit-
ted to share in the emoluments of the priestly office
these would not have sufficed for all. The Deuter-
onomic legislators were aware of this, and, knowing that
their reform would deprive many of these people of
income, they commended the Levites to the charity of
the people along with the stranger, the widow, and the
fatherless (Deut. 14: 29; cf. 12: 19 and 14: 27). The
changes introduced by the Deuteronomic reform tended
to give the priesthood of the city of Jerusalem a more
prominent and influential position in the realm. Ez-
ekiel, who was both a priest and a prophet, and who
in his early life had served in the temple in Jerusalem,
pondered during the Babylonian exile the religious
problems of his people and laid plans for the reorgani-
zation of their life. He proposed a plan that remedied
two evils. It banished the foreign slaves from Yah-
weh's temple, and it gave employment to the priests who
had been unfrocked by the Deuteronomic reform. In
the Deuteronomic law every Levite was a priest, or a
potential priest (Deut. 18: i ff.). The two terms in
that law are coextensive; they are constantly put in ap-
position the one with the other. Ezekiel really legis-
lated the Levites as a class separate from the priesthood
PRIESTHOOD AND RITUAL 1 65
Into existence by providing that the priests of the aban-
doned high places should in future be debarred from
the priestly office, but should perform the menial duties
of the sanctuary (Eze. 44: 8-13).
This plan of Ezekiel appealed to the priestly legis-
lators who came after him. In the main priestly docu-
ment written about 450 B.C. we find the distinction be-
tween priests and Levltes clearly made (see Num. 16:
10, 18-23). As time passed the different families of
Levltes were assigned different duties by the supple-
mentary priestly laws. Thus In Num. 3 and 4 tKe care
of the sanctuary and of its different vessels Is assigned
to different groups of Levltes. By this step the evolu-
tion and organization of the priesthood became com-
plete.
In the Judean state as reorganized after the exile the
priests held the most Influential place. In Zechariah
3 : I Joshua the high priest stands as the representative
of the nation, and In Zechariah 6:11 two crowns, one
of silver and one of gold, are to be placed upon his
head. While It is probable that in the original form of
the text the crown of gold was Intended for Zerubbabel,
who, it was hoped, would become king, even then the
high priest was given rank only less exalted than that
of the king. The hope that Zerubbabel would free the
nation from the foreign yoke was not realized, and in
the years that followed the high priest became more
and more the representative of the nation. Under the
early Ptolemies he was the practical ruler of Judea,
1 66 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
and, until the destruction of Jerusalem In 70 a.d.
though not always the political head of the nation, he
probably had more influence than any other individual.
During the Maccabaean struggle Jonathan the Macca-
bee was made high priest, and, when independence was
regained in 143 B.c.^ the high priest Simon was declared
to be prince of the people as well as high priest (I Mace.
14:35-42). When his descendants became kings, the
priesthood held the regal sceptre as well. The dig-
nity thus acquired by the supreme priest was an Index
of the importance attached to all priests. The voice of
prophecy was silent; the priests held the keys to the
things of God. The reorganization and exaltation of
the priesthood in the post-exilic period led to a new
interpretation of the earlier history. Since the priest-
hood was thought to have been Instituted by Moses,
all subsequent history was naturally viewed In the light
of this supposed fact. Wherever there had been a
high place, there were large priestly estates. Thus at
Schechem, Gezer, Hebron, Beth-shemesh, Kedesh,
Taanach, Ashtaroth,^ Ramoth-GIlead, Bezer, GIbeon,
and many other places, the Levites, who had been made
by Ezekiel and the priestly legislators the menial work-
ers of the sanctuary, possessed large estates. These
had been referred to in Deut. 18:8 as their "patri-
mony." How did it happen that so many Levites were
connected with these cities and possessed property
there? The priestly writers could only account for it
1 Called in Josh. 21:27, Be-eshterah, a corruption of Beth-Ashtoreth.
PRIESTHOOD AND RITUAL 1 67
on the theory that Joshua had assigned these cities to
the tribe of Levi as a means of support instead of
giving it a compact inheritance such as the other tribes
received. This theory was put forth by the priestly
supplementer who wrote Joshua 21, and was repeated
with some variations in detail by the Chronicler in I
Chron. 6. That it is a later interpretation and does
not correctly represent the real history of pre-exilic
times has been abundantly shown by the excavations
at Gezer, Taanach, and Beth-shemesh, which show that
the worship of the heathen Semitic high places was
practised in these places down to the time of the Deu-
teronomic reform, if not till the exile.^ The same was
probably true of cities like Ashtaroth, the very name of
which connects it with the primitive Semitic mother-
goddess. At Hebron there was a place of sacrifice In
the time of David (II Sam. 15:7 ff.), and at Gibeon
in the time of Solomon (I Kings 3:4)- Could the
complete history of these Levitical cities be written it
seems probable that in each case it would be found
that each had been the centre of an independent shrine
in the days before Josiah's reform.
This view is confirmed by a study of the Levitical
cities and genealogies. Thus Hebron is a city of Judah
(Josh. 15 : 13) belonging to the clan of Caleb; in Josh.
21 : 13 it Is a Levitical city given to the house of Aaron
the priest; in I Chron. 6: 18 it Is a Levitical clan.
Eshtemoa Is a clan of Judah in I Chron. 4: 17, 19, but a
1 See G. A. Barton in the Biblical World, 167-179.
l68 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Levitlcal city In Josh. 21:13. ^^ I Chron. 2 : 43 Korah
is a clan of Judah connected with Hebron; in I Chron.
6: 37 a clan of Levi (cf. also Num. 16) ; while in the
Psalter the " Sons of Korah " are a clan of Levitical
singers for whom a small hymn-book was named (Ps.
42 ff.). In I Sam. i: i Zuph is an Ephraimite; in I
Chron. 6:35, a Levite. It thus appears that in the
hands of the priestly writers the perspective of the his-
tory underwent a change. Towns that had contained
high places were called by these writers Levitical cities.
Clans that had belonged to other tribes were regarded
by them as Levitical because they hailed from cities
where worship had been maintained and claimed Leviti-
cal functions. Believing that the Levitical law was from
Moses, the Chronicler could not Imagine the saintly
David as not observing it, so he attributed to David
the organization of the worship whereby each Levitical
clan had Its appropriate duty to perform In connection
with the sanctuary (I Chron. 26).
The same feeling that led the Chronicler to believe
that this was true led him also to suppress many fea-
tures In the life of David as recorded In the books of
Samuel, and to so portray the lives of other ancient
heroes, that It would appear that the law had been ob-
served through all the history of Israel.
Side by side with the development of the priesthood
there was a development In the regulation of the rit-
ual. The directions for the performance of each act
became more specific as time elapsed. This Is partlcu-
PRIESTHOOD AND RITUAL 1 69
larly noticeable in the laws which governed the feasts.
When these are placed in chronological order, the
steady increase in definiteness is striking. In the J
Document, Ex. 34: 14-28, it is laid down that there
must be three feasts before Yahweh in the year. No
time is set for these feasts, except that the feast of
unleavened bread is set for the month Abib. But even
then no day is fixed for it and the mention of the month
Abib is believed by many to be a later addition. In the
case of the feast of weeks and the feast of ingathering
the month in which they were to be held is not even
mentioned.
In the E Document the same indefinite provisions
appear (Ex. 23 : 14 ff.). The only note of time is that
which places the feast of unleavened bread in the month
Abib and states that it shall be held seven days (Ex.
23:15), but the statement is here also regarded by
many as a later addition. So far as written legislation
goes it thus appears that in the early times the dates
of the feasts, their length, and their ritual are alike un-
defined.
Turning to the Deuteronomic legislation, in Deuter-
onomy 16 we find the beginnings of closer definition.
The passover Is to be kept seven days in the month
Abib; the feast of weeks is to be celebrated seven weeks
from the time " thou beginnest to put the sickle to the
standing grain "; the feast of tabernacles is to be kept
for seven days after the grain has all been brought in
from the threshing floor, and the wine from the wine-
170 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
press. In the case of the feast of weeks and the feast
of tabernacles no month is set, but the time is never-
theless fixed by a practical rule.
In Leviticus 23, where the original Code of Holi-
ness has been expanded by the priestly writer, the tend-
ency to closer definition of time and of ritual has
proceeded a step further. The passover is here set
for the first month and the fourteenth day of the month.
It is to be kept seven days; they are to be counted from
the evening of the fourteenth day to the evening of
the twenty-first day. The whole time is to be a holy
convocation; it is a kind of Sabbath; all ordinary work
is prohibited.
In the case of the feast of weeks the method of reck-
oning the seven weeks is more carefully defined than, in
Deuteronomy 16, and more specific directions are given
concerning the sacrifices that are to be offered.
The autumn festival is by this code placed in the
seventh month; it is directed that it shall begin on the
fifteenth day of the month and continue for seven days.
It, too, is made a holy convocation during which ordi-
nary work must cease. One has but to read the provi-
sions to realize that Judaism was travelling fast on the
road to a ritual that defined everything.
The climax of all this development is reached in
Numbers 28 and 29, where the number of animals to
be sacrificed at each of these festivals, as well as upon
the sabbaths, the new moons, and other feasts is care-
fully defined, so that there could be no excuse for not
PRIESTHOOD AND RITUAL 171'
performing the right act at the right time and in the
right way. It is clear from a review of the develop-
ment of the ritual that this development went hand
in hand with the emergence of the priesthood into
prominence and the concentration of power in its
hands.
Another development synchronous with the exalta-
tion of the priesthood was the regulation of the Day of
Atonement on the tenth day of the seventh month. The
ritual for this day is set down in Leviticus 16. It re-
quired the choosing of two goats, one of which was
sacrificed to Yahweh, and its blood sprinkled by the
high priest on the holy place and the altar. On the
head of the other goat the high priest confessed the sins
of the people, after which he was driven out into the
wilderness, where Azazel, a wilderness demon, could
catch him. The ritual itself is very old. It goes back
to fairly primitive ideas, and yet it is here perpetuated
and connected with a ceremony, in which the high priest
entered the Holy of Holies and made atonement for
the whole people.
It is plausible to suppose that the Day of Atonement
is a development from the primitive Semitic custom of
wailing for Tammuz.^ If this be true, the whole ritual
is a rearrangement of Immemorial ceremonies, which
were perpetuated by the priesthood, and made to exalt
^ See W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, 2 ed., London, 1894, pp.
411, 414, and G. A. Barton, A Sketch of Semitic Origins, New York,
1902, pp. 114, 289.
172 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
the religious and propitiatory functions of the priest-
hood In the days of Its ascendancy.
It Is not to be supposed that the priests In the post-
exUIc time were conscious that the Day of Atonement
had Its beginnings In the customs of primitive Semitic
heathenism. In many rehglons primitive customs have
survived, and have undergone many reinterpretatlons.
They are of value in each generation because of what
they are understood by that generation to mean. Into
that religious value the origin, no matter how Interest-
ing historically, does not enter. It was thus that the
Day of Atonement, when the high priest as the repre-
sentative of the nation, entered the holy of holies bear-
ing the atoning blood of a sacrifice, became one of the
most solemn and religiously significant days In the Jew-
ish religious year.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. Priesthood among the Early Semites; cf. W. R. Smith,
Religion of the Semites, 2 ed. London, 1894, PP- 47 f^- 79> 349
fF., and 417.
2. Who Officiated at the Sacrifices in Early Hebrew Times?
cf. the Books of Judges, Samuel, and Kings.
3. Compare the Laws concerning Levites in Deuteronomy,
Ezekiel 44, and Leviticus and Numbers, using the Biblical text
of those books.
4. The High Priesthood in Post-exilic Times; cf. ''Priests
and Levites " in Hastings, Dictio?iary of the Bible, Vol. IV.
CHAPTER XI
ANGELS AND DEMONS
Primitive Animism — Angel of Yahweh, Yahweh himself acting for a
Special Purpose — "Sons of the gods" — Yahweh a King with
Spirits as Courtiers — Angels in E Document — Cherubim and
Seraphim — Demons before the Exile — The Prologue to Job —
Angels in Zechariah — Names and Functions of Angels in Post-
Exilic Time — Demons in Canonical Literature — Azazel and
Satan — Attitude of Apocryphal Writers toward Angels — Four
Attitudes toward Demons — Demons Fallen Angels — Sins and
Angels — Satan Author of Sin — Asmodaeus — Demons Personified
Qualities.
As pointed out in chapter i, the ancient Semites, like
other people in a similar stage of development, believed
that the world was full of spirits. Every rock, tree,
spring, or other natural object was believed to be ani-
mated by a non-material existence similar to man's own
inner nature, only much more powerful. During all
their early history the Hebrews continued to hold this
belief, although the pre-eminence of Yahweh and his
jealousy tended to push the consciousness of other spir-
its into the background of their thoughts. Thus in the
early poems of Israel there is no reference to a spirit
or demon, and, when the text is correctly read, but one
reference to an angel. This is in Judges 5:23:" Curse
ye Meroz saith the angel of Yahweh." For the mean-
173
174 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Ing of the term " angel of Yahweh " we must look to
its usage In the J document.
In our oldest document (generally called the J docu-
ment) , the term angel is used to Indicate that Yahweh
himself appeared or came to accomplish some special
purpose or mission. The Hebrew word nial'ak, which
means " messenger " or angel, appears to come from a
root that means " to go " or " to send as a messenger,"
and Its earliest usage shows that it referred to the com-
ing of Yahweh for the accomplishment of a special pur-
pose. Thus In Gen. 16:7 the angel of Yahweh ap-
peared to Hagar, but In verse 13 she recognized In him
Yahweh himself. In Exodus 3 : 2 the angel of Yahweh
appeared to Moses at the burning bush, but it was Yah-
weh himself whom Moses turned aside to the bush to see
(v. 4) , and it was Yahweh who spake to Moses (v. 7) .
The angel of Yahweh appeared to Gideon (Judges 6:
11), but It Is later made clear (verses 21-23) ^^at It
was Yahweh himself. So the angel of Yahweh that
appeared to the wife of Manoah (Jud. 13:2 ff.) In
the sequel was none other than Yahweh. It may thus
be taken for granted that in the J document the. angel
of Yahweh Is not a being distinct from Yahweh, but
Yahweh manifesting himself for the accomplishment
of some particular purpose.
In the light of this clear usage other passages in the
same document become clear. When Yahweh appeared
to Abraham in human form (Gen. 18) It was the same
kind of an appearance elsewhere described by the term
ANGELS AND DEMONS 1 75
angel of Yahweh. In Gen. 32:4 ff. doubtless the
" man " who came to wrestle with Jacob was believed
to be Yahweh himself, though the text does not make
the formal statement. It Is probably he that is referred
to In Gen. 48: 16 as "the angel that hath redeemed
me" [Jacob]. The angel of Yahweh who appeared
to Balaam In the way (Nu. 22: 22-35) was, no doubt,
believed to be Yahweh himself. In Joshua 5: 13-15
the " man " that appeared to Joshua as the captain of
the host of Yahweh was In all probablHty thought to
be Yahweh himself coming for the help of his people as
they undertook the conquest of Palestine. He Is prob-
ably the same who is said In Judges 2 : i to have moved
from Gilgal to Bethel.
It follows from all this that In early times other spir-
its did not play a prominent part in the thought or
consciousness of the Hebrews. Yahweh who had been
so overwhelmingly manifested in the volcanic mountain
was ready to appear to his followers whenever they
needed his aid. He was believed to have undertaken
many a mission for their guidance, comfort, and deliv-
erance. There was no clear line of distinction between
Yahweh and his angel. Such manifestations of Yah-
weh were regarded as life's most desirable experiences.
No higher praise could be given to a man than to say:
" Thou art good In my sight as an angel of God (I Sam.
29: 9; II Sam. 14: 17, 20; 19: 27).
The J document affords proof of the existence of
supernatural beings other than Yahweh. They are
176 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
called In Gen. 6 : 2-4 " sons of the gods " ^ which is the
Hebrew way of saying they were beings of the same
class as the gods. In the passage referred to they are
said to have come down to earth and married human
wives, and the offspring of such marriages are said to
have been the heroes of olden time. In this story early
Hebrew thought shows its original kinship with the
thought of other nations. Early men have everywhere
believed that one who showed greater energy or ability
than his fellows was either a god or akin to the gods.
It was this belief that so often made gods of early kings.
Where the belief did not take this form, unusual ability
was frequently accounted for, as in the case of Heracles,
on the supposition that a god was his father. It was
in a similar way that the early Hebrews accounted for
their heroes, only they did not say that Yahweh became
a physical father; they were begotten by other beings
of the divine order. It was a thought that long lay
dormant, but was revived In the last two centuries be-
fore Christ In the apocalypses and turned to a different
use.
There Is a story in I Kings 22 which, although It
comes from a document that Is possibly a little later
than J, relates to the period that saw the com.posltlon
of the J document and may well be considered with It.
It Is the story of how Yahweh lured Ahab to his de-
struction. It represents Yahweh as a monarch whose
1 The English version reads " Sons of God," but the other rendering
is more literal.
ANGELS AND DEMONS 1 77
court was composed of a large number of spirits. Yah-
weh Is said to have consulted these spirits as an earthly
monarch might consult his courtiers. The suggestions
of one and another were rejected until a suggestion
was made that seemed, to the wisdom of the sovereign,
practicable. The spirits themselves were morally col-
ourless. Intrinsically they were neither good nor bad.
Yahweh could send them on missions for the help or for
the ruin of men, and the character of the work assigned
to a spirit made him for the time being good or evil
from the human point of view. In Judges 9 : 23 God
Is said to have sent an evil spirit between Ablmelech and
the man of Schechem, and in I Samuel an evil spirit
from God is said to have come upon Saul (I Sam. 16:
14-16, 23; 18: 10). The story of I Kings 22 Is of
great value in that it shows how the Hebrews, who
had Inherited a belief in the existence of many spirits,
reconciled, at this stage of their religious development,
that belief with the supremacy of Yahweh.
This type of belief prevailed about 750 B.C. when the
E document was composed. In Gen. 28: 12 Jacob is
said to have seen the angels of God ascending and de-
scending upon the ladder at Bethel, but they were so
closely associated with God himself that Jacob ex-
claimed: " This is none other than the house of God."
In Gen. 31:11 we are told that the " angel of God "
appeared to Jacob in Aram, but In 31 : 13 he said: " I
am the God of Bethel." The angel was, accordingly,
only a manifestation of God. This is borne out by
178 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Exodus 23 : 21, where It is said of an angel " my name
is in him." As the name of Yahweh embodied, to He-
brew thought, the attributes of Yahweh himself, the ex-
pression implies that Yahweh was present in his angel.
Outside the passages discussed the term " angel "
does not often appear in the literature written before
the Babylonian exile. In Hosea 12:4 it is declared
that Jacob " had power over the angel," — a reference
to the "man" of Genesis 32: 24 ff., who was, as we
have seen, Yahweh himself. Angels are said to have
spoken to Elijah and other prophets (I Kings 19:7;
II Kings 1:3, 15), but there is nothing to show that
the " angel " was not Yahweh acting for the accomplish-
ment of his purposes. The conclusion seems warranted,
therefore, that in the pre-exilic time the angel of Yahweh
was not sharply distinguished from Yahweh, but was
only a special manifestation of Yahweh himself.
Apart from spirits and " sons of the gods " we hear
of Cherubim (Gen. 3 : 24), who were, perhaps, the per-
sonified winds. ^ Isaiah also speaks of Seraphim (Isa.
6: 1-7). The seraphim were creatures with six wings
who were attendants of Yahweh. While the seraphim
appear to have been composite figures, it is probable
that they were really winged serpents, for in Nu. 21:6
fiery seraphim are really fiery serpents. According to
1 See G. A. Barton, A Sketch of Semitic Origins, Social and Religious,
New York, 1902, p. 91. In addition to the references there given cf.
Skinner, Genesis in the International Critical Commentary, New York,
1910, p. 89 ff.
ANGELS AND DEMONS 1 79
Ezeklel i and lo the cherubim were composite creatures,
part Hon, part ox, part eagle and part man. In some
of the apocalypses (Enoch 6i:io; 71:7; Secrets of
Enoch 20: I ; 21 : i) the seraphim were associated with
the cherubim as the guardians of Paradise. In many
ancient religions serpents have been regarded as sacred
and there Is reason to believe that such was the case
In Israel.^ Probably the winds and the serpents, the
sacred associates of Yahweh In Paradise, became In
later thought the cherubim and seraphim.
In the pre-exUIc literature there are but few refer-
ences to demons. In Deut. 33: 13 It Is said that the
deep (tehotn) crouches, and the word for crouches Is
one often employed to express the action of an animal.
Probably the poet personified the deep just as TIamat,
the Babylonian deep, Is personified as a great dragon.
In a later poem (see Deut. 32: 17) It Is said that the
Hebrews sacrificed to Shedim and not to God. The
translators of the Septuagint regarded Shedim as de-
mons. Shedim Is, however, the Assyrian shedti, a bull-
deity, and probably It was used by the Deuteronomic
poet to designate a foreign deity.
It thus appears that before the exile the Hebrews did
not entertain a belief In demons In the ordinary sense
of the term. The Innumerable spirits who were, they
thought, the attendants of Yahweh, were non-ethical In
character. They might be sent by him on any sort of
a mission. If the task assigned one of them was help-
1 See above, ch. vi, p. 112.
l8o THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
ful to men, the spirit was good; if harmful to man, he
was evil. The prophet Amos, for example, was so
thorough a monotheist that he had no room in his the-
ology for a Satan. He believed that Yahweh did all
that was done, whether good or bad. He asks: " Shall
evil befall a city and Yahweh hath not done it? "
(Amos 3:6). Satan and his attendant demons, who
have played such a prominent part in later thought, had
no place in this period of Israel's religion. The
prophets of the exile, Ezekiel and the Second Isaiah,
maintain in general the pre-exilic attitude with refer-
ence to angels and demons. The same is true of the
Third Isaiah, whose expression '* the angel of his pres-
ence " (Isa. 63: 9), is probably a reference to Exodus
33 : 12 ff., where it is promised that Yahweh's presence
will accompany Israel. To identify Yahweh's presence
with his angel is in thorough accord with pre-exilic
usage.
The point of departure for the post-exilic develop-
ment is found in the prologue of the book of Job. This
prologue is older than the poem itself. Whether it
was written before the exile or later cannot now be
determined. It is together with the epilogue the por-
tion of the original story which the poet left Intact, when
he substituted his poetical discussion for the middle por-
tion of the prose narrative.^ In this prologue Yahweh
Is represented as surrounded by a group of " sons of the
gods," or beings of the divine class. As in I Kings 22,
1 See below, ch. xiii,
ANGELS AND DEMONS l8l
these constitute his courtiers. They may go forth
through the world at will, but they have certain days
on which they return to pay their court to Yahweh.
Satan is one of these " sons of the gods "; he, too, is a
member of Yahweh's court. These courtiers corre-
spond to the angels of the later time, just as they cor-
respond to the spirits of the earlier time. Satan, then,
is in this narrative still an angel, though a disgruntled
angel. He is not entirely happy, and accordingly is
not a contributor to the joy of Yahweh. He has be-
come sceptical of human virtue; he believes that every
man has his price. The way in which Satan is here
made to stand apart from the other " sons of the gods "
is the starting point of that later development which
regarded him as a fallen angel.
In Zechariah, about 520 B. C, the function of the
angel as an intermediary between God and man is clearly
developed. All of the prophetic messages of Zechariah
are said to have been revealed to him by an angel
(Zech. 1:9, II, 12, 13, 14, 19; 5^5) 10; 6:4, 5)-
The conception that angels were intermediaries between
Yahweh and men became necessary because at this time
the Jews were coming to think of God as so exalted that
he would not act like a man. In the priestly document,
written a few decades later than this, God is repre-
sented as apart and remote. He no longer appears in
human forms as in the J document, nor does he dis-
course famiharly with men. Religious thought sup-
plied this lack of familiar converse with God by the
I §2 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
belief that he sent his messenger. In the writings of
this prophet Satan appears again. His character has
deteriorated; he is more mahgnant than in Job, though
not yet the arch-fiend that he afterward became. He
here opposes the high priest, the representative of the
nation Israel. Satan was accordingly thought to be
the adversary of Israel.
From this time onward angels played a prominent
part In Jewish thought, though they were much more
popular with some writers than with others. They are
called by a variety of names, and perform many differ-
ent kinds of duties. They are called " sons of the
mighty" (Ps. 29:1; 89:6); "mighty ones" (Joel
3:11); " watchmen " (Isa. 62 : 6) ; " the host of the
high ones" (Isa. 24: 21) ; "morning stars" (Job 38:
7); "watchers" (Dan. 4,17); "holy ones" (Zech.
14:^; Ps. 89:7); and "princes" (Dan. 10:13, 20,
21). Their functions were also various. They acted
as God's council (Ps. 89:7), as intercessors for men
(Job 5: i), as guardians of the righteous (Ps. 34:7),
whom they bear up In their hands (Ps. 91 : 1 1 f.) ; they
are channels of divine revelation (Dan. 8: 16 ft.) ; they
inflict punishment on the wicked (Ps. 78 : 49) ; some of
them guard nations ( Dan. i o : 20, 21). In short It was
thought to be their duty to do whatever Yahweh desired
to have done.
In one of the latest of the Old Testament canonical
books, Daniel, certain angels are exalted over other
angels and are called " princes." It thus appears that
ANGELS AND DEMONS 1 83
by the Maccabaean time Jewish thought divided the
angels Into ranks after the manner of Persian thought.^
Whether this was a purely native development may
well be doubted. It seems probable, since by this time
Jews and Persians had been in contact for some time,
that Jewish angelology was to some degree Influenced
by the Persian.
In this period, too, certain angels are so far individu-
alized as to be given names. We meet, for example,
with Michael (Dan. 10: 13, 21) and Gabriel (Dan.
8: 16; 10:4). This Is an evidence of the increasingly
prominent place angels were coming to hold in religious
thought. In the earlier time angels, like the spirits that
preceded them, had been nameless.
In the canonical literature of the time after the exile
demons also become somewhat prominent. They are
not so prominent as angels, and yet there are several
references to them. They also are given various des-
ignations. In Isaiah 34: 14, where the Revised Ver-
sion renders "satyrs" (margin, "he-goats"), the
Hebrew means literally " hairy ones." They were the
spirits that were supposed to haunt ruins and waste
places and are here mentioned In connection with the
desolation of Edom. The same word (" hairy ones ")
is employed in Isa. 13:21, a passage written during
the exile. In depicting the ruins of Babylon. Perhaps
these " hairy ones " were the deities of foreign nations,
1 See G. A. Barton, The Religions of the World, Chicago, 1916, chap-
ter vii, § 131.
184 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
degraded In the thought of the Hebrews as the Arabs
afterward degraded similar deities to jinn ^ and attrib-
uted to them some of the characteristics of animals.
It is probably for this reason that in Lev. 17:7 sacrifice
to " hairy ones " is for the future prohibited.
Similarly in Psalm 106:37 shedim, which, as al-
ready pointed out, were Assyrian deities, is clearly used
for demons. In the Mishna and Talmud shed has come
to designate demons in general. It thus appears that
one class of demons In whom Jews believed were orig-
inally heathen gods. In accordance with this view Paul
declared: " The things which the Gentiles sacrifice, they
sacrifice to demons, and not to God," (I Cor. 10: 20).
In Isaiah 34: 14 Llllth (RV, "night monster") is
mentioned In connection with " hairy ones." Some have
supposed that her name is derived from the Hebrew
word for night, and that she was the spook of darkness.
Another possibility Is that her name is the survival of
the Sumerian lil, " spirit," and that she too Is of for-
eign origin. Be this as it may, Lilith played a most
important part in Jewish post-Biblical thought. She
was supposed to be especially harmful to pregnant
women and little children, and many homes contained
spells against her.^
Another great demon or dragon which in this period
1 See W. R. Smith's Religion of the Semites, 2nd ed., London, 1894,
p. 120 f.
2 Cf. J. A. Montgomery, Aramaic Incantation Texts from Nippur,
Philadelphia, 1913, pp. 75-79-
ANGELS AND DEMONS 1 85
assumed large proportions In Jewish thought was Ra-
hab. She was none other than the Babylonian prim-
itive sea dragon, TIamat. In Babylonian tradition she
had opposed the gods; and Marduk had conquered her
and her helpers, had cut her In two, making the heavens
of one part and the earth of the other. Hebrew poets
took over these traditions, putting Yahweh In the place
of Marduk. Thus the Second Isaiah asks: "Art not
thou he who hewed Rahab In pieces, who pierced
through the dragon? " (Isa. 51:9). Job, In speaking
of the might of Yahweh says : " The helpers of Rahab
do stoop under him; how much less shall I answer
him?" (Job 9:13); and again: "He quelleth the
sea with his power, by his understanding he smiteth
through Rahab; the bars of heaven fear him," ^ (Job
26:12, 13). Similarly the author of Psalm 89:10
sang: " Thou hast broken Rahab In pieces as one that
Is slain; thou hast scattered thine enemies with the
arm of thy strength."
Another dragon of Babylonian origin was Leviathan.
In Job 3 : 8 he was a monster capable of darkening the
day, while In Psalm 74: 14 we read: " Thou breakest
the heads of Leviathan in pieces." As verses 16 and
17 go on to speak of the creation of the sun, the fixing of
earth's bounds and the making of summer and winter.
It Is clear that this is also an allusion to the Babylonian
creation epic. As Leviathan Is masculine It Is prob-
1 The reasons for this rendering are given in Barton's Commentary
on Job in the Bible for Home and School, p. 219.
1 86 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
able that he Is either KIngu, Talmat's Babylonian con-
sort, under a new name, or a masculinized form of Tla-
mat herself.
While so many Jewish demons of this period are of
foreign origin there are two that are purely native.
One of these was Azazel, a wilderness demon, who
was appeased on the day of atonement by having a goat
driven out Into the wilderness where Azazel could catch
him. In the canonical literature Azazel Is mentioned
only In Leviticus i6 In connection with the ritual of the
" scapegoat," — the term by which the Authorized Ver-
sion of the Bible concealed Azazel's existence. It Is
clear that the part of the ritual of this chapter that has
to do with the sending out of this goat Into the wilder-
ness Is very old. It Is a survival from early times,
when Israel felt more secure after the demon of the
wastes, — demons that were supposed to be hostile be-
cause their habitat was Inhospitable, — had been pro-
pitiated.
In the canonical books later than Zecharlah, Satan,
the second native Hebrew demon, is mentioned but once.
This Is In I Chron. 21:1, where the Chronicler Is retell-
ing the story of David's census. The author of II
Samuel 24 had said that Yahweh prompted David to
number Israel; the Chronicler says It was Satan. As
the Chronicler was writing somewhere between 300 and
200 B.c.^ It appears that by this time Satan was recog-
nized In certain Jewish circles as the great adversary
of Israel, — the author of evil. Nevertheless the fact
ANGELS AND DEMONS 1 87
that he Is mentioned but once shows that other demons
occupied a more prominent place In popular thought
than he.
The apocryphal Jewish literature that developed be-
tween 200 B.C. and 100 A.D. Is a fruitful source of In-
formation as to Jewish conceptions of angels and de-
mons. The writers of this literature lived partly out-
side of Palestine and partly In the Holy Land. They
were subjected to diverse Influences and entertained di-
verse points of view. Some, like the author of the Wis-
dom of Solomon, were philosophically inclined; others,
like the author of I Maccabees, were touched with in-
cipient Sadduceeism. Some revelled In the old concep-
tions and regarded angels and demons as real and nu-
merous; others made spirits and demons of the powers
of nature and of the tendencies of men; still others
Ignore this class of beings almost entirely.
The author of the Enoch parables (Enoch 37-71)
speaks of the spirit of the sea, of hoar frost, of hail, of
snow, of fog, of dew, and of rain (Enoch 60: 17-21).
The author of the Book of Jubilees speaks of the spirits
of fire, wind, darkness, hail, snow, frost, thunder, cold
and heat, winter and summer (Jubilees 2:1). This is
either a survival of the old animism, or a new personi-
fication. The Book of Jubilees also calls these spirits
angels.
The earliest of these writings, Enoch 1-36, repre-
sents a definite belief in angels, as does also Enoch
37-70, written a century later. These writers re-
1 88 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
garded angels as a kind of supernatural men. Like
men they are said to possess bodies and spirits (Enoch
67: 8) ; they intermarried with human women (Enoch
7:1), — an idea that is clearly borrowed from Gen.
6: 2-4. This conception was shared by the author of
the Secrets of Enoch, for in ch. 22 he describes in great
detail how Enoch was transformed by a change of rai-
ment and a glorification of his body into an angel.
When later Enoch was permitted to return to earth for
thirty days, an angel chilled his face, apparently to dim
its angelic lustre before he came down to mingle
with ordinary men (Secrets of Enoch 36:2; 37:1;
38:1).
As in the Book of Daniel, angels are said in these
works to be divided into ranks. The ranks had their
leaders, of whom Gabriel was one (Secrets of Enoch
21:3). The same writer (20:3) represents the Lord
as sitting on his throne, and at ten steps remove stand
the heavenly angels according to their rank. Four
angels were called "angels of the throne" (Enoch
9:1; 40:2); they were Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, and
Raphael, though in two passages Penuel is substituted
for Uriel. Both the conception of ranks of angels and
the tendency to name them ^ may possibly, though not
necessarily, have been borrowed from the Persians.
1 For a list of the names of the angels of this period see the writer's
article, " The Origin of the Names of Angels and Demons in the Extra-
Canonical Apocalyptic Literature to loo a. d.," in the Journal of Biblical
Literature, Vol. XXXI, pp. 156-159.
ANGELS AND DEMONS 1 89
The author of the Apocalypse of Baruch (59: 11) de-
clared angels to be Innumerable.
These countless hosts were supposed to do all that
God desired to have done. Through their agency the
whole course of nature was carried on. Myriads of
angels attended the sun (Secrets of Enoch 14) ; they reg-
ulated the courses of the stars (ch. 19) ; they guarded
the habitations of the snow (ch. 5) ; they kept the treas-
uries of oil (ch. 6). Angels controlled the lightning,
causing a pause before the thunder came (Enoch 60: 13—
15); they presided over the treasuries of frost, hail,
dew, and rain (60: 16-22).
Another function of angels was to Instruct the apoc-
alyptic seers. Thus Enoch was guided about the uni-
verse by an angel who revealed Its secrets to him (Enoch
40: 8, etc.) ; an angel talked to Ezra (II Esdras 2: 44
ff.) ; and angels according to the Testaments of the
Twelve Patriarchs communicated with most of the sons
of Jacob. Angels were also supposed to be God's in-
struments for conveying blessings or chastisements.
The angel Raphael came to heal Tobit's blindness (Tob.
5:1-6) and. In the sequel conveyed to Tobit many
other favours and blessings. On the other hand they
are said to have destroyed the Assyrians In the time of
Sennacherib (II Mace. 11:6; 15:22). Enoch also
saw angels administering punishment in the other world
(Secrets of Enoch 10:2 ff.). When Jerusalem was
destroyed four angels were said to have stood at Its
four corners with lamps and accomplished Its ruin
190 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
(Apocal. of Baruch 7: i; 8: i). It was believed that
an angel would be appointed as an avenger on the day
of judgment (Assumption of Moses 10: 2). God was,
by this time, thought to be remote and exalted, and
those who believed in angels at all made them very
active as his intermediaries, to carry out in all spheres of
life his will.
While the beliefs of the apocryphal writers with ref-
erence to angels represent but a slight advance over
those of the canonical books, their conceptions concern-
ing demons are much more developed. These beliefs
present, however, considerable variety. Four different
types of thought can be traced in them.
(i). The authors of Enoch 1-36 and of the Enoch
Parables (37-70) present the most complete and de-
veloped demonology. Both were intensely Interested
In tracing the origin of evil, and both found It In de-
moniacal activity. But in tracing the origin of evil they
traced the genesis of the demons themselves, for In their
view the demons were developed out of the angels or
" sons of the gods " mentioned in Genesis 6: 2-4. It
is assumed that these beings were really angels, who
rebelled against God in their heavenly estate, and who
came down to earth endowed with a supernatural knowl-
edge of evil arts. They then married human wives and
taught to men various evil practices. According to
these writers this angelic host, when It descended from
heaven, landed on Mount Hermon. The origin of sin
is, accordingly, traced by these thinkers, not to the Gar-
ANGELS AND DEMONS 191
den of Eden and the serpent, but to Mount Hermon
and the narrative of Genesis 6 : 2-4.
In the view of these apocalyptists there were hosts
of these angels and they were divided into different
ranks, being governed by archangels, who became arch
fiends. The names of these leaders are given by both
writers in a somewhat corrupt form. The original list
seems to have been Shemiaz, Akrab, Rahamiel (or Ra-
miel), Kokabel, Tamiel, Daniel, Ezekiel, Baraqel, Asa-
hel (afterward confused with Azazel), Herem, Hana-
nel, Shemapishael, Satharel, Turel, and Sahariel.^
These names are all appropriate to angels. For ex-
ample, Shemiaz meaning " my name is strong," Ramiel,
'' my exalted one is God," Kokabel, " star of God,"
Sahariel, " my moon is God," ^ etc. Shemiaz taught
conjurers and root-cutters their arts; Herem the loosen-
ing of incantations; Baraqel and Tamiel, astrology;
Kokabel, signs; Sahariel, the courses of the moon.^
Azazel is said to have taught men metal work (the
making of swords, etc.) as well as all kinds of wicked-
ness (Enoch 8 : I f.; 9: 6; 10: 8). In the Enoch Para-
bles the functions are distributed somewhat differently.
Gadreel (perhaps a corruption of Azazel) is said to
have led Eve astray, to have taught men the instruments
of death and the use of coats of mail (Enoch 69: 6) ;
1 For a complete list of demons in the writings of this period see
Journal of Biblical Literature, XXXI, 162-166.
2 For these and other etymologies see reference in preceding note.
3 Compare Enoch 8: 3.
192 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Penemue, or, according to one reading, Tunlel, taught
men to discern bitter and sweet, wisdom and the art of
writing (69: 8 f.). The writer of the Enoch Parables
represents the earth-dwellers as subject to Satan (Enoch
54:6), although Satan is being punished (Enoch
53: 3). The name of the angel who led all the other
angels astray and so started the whole course of sin is
given as Yeqon (Enoch 69:4). In one manuscript it
is Qeyon, a slightly transformed spelling of the Hebrew
name of Cain. As Yeqon probably arose from Qeyon
by a process well known to Semitic philologists, It ap-
pears that the first murderer of the books of Genesis
became In the thought of this writer the originator of
sin in heaven. Thus near did Cain approach to apo-
theosis; he became the archfiend. There is thus pre-
sented a complete theory of the origin of evil and a
complete system of demonology, but In this system
Satan, though present. Is not particularly important, and
Is not thought to be the agency by which sin came into
the world.
(2) Another point of view is represented by the
Wisdom of Solomon and the Secrets of Enoch. To
these writers Satan was the archfiend, — the demon who
led mankind astray. The author of the Wisdom of
Solomon (ch. 2:24) was the first writer to identify
Satan with the serpent of the Garden of Eden. In so
doing he attributed to him the work of evil which the
earlier Enoch-writers had attributed to the host of
fallen angels. This view was adopted by the author of
ANGELS AND DEMONS 1 93
the Secrets of Enoch (ch. 31 : 6), who, although much
interested In angels, has, on the whole, little to say of
demons. Like the author of Wisdom, he simply ac-
cepted Satan from the canonical literature. He did not
believe that Satan's rule over men will be eternal, for
he represents Enoch as seeing him hurled to the abyss
(Secrets of Enoch 29:4; 31:4). The author of the
Testament of Gad (ch. 6:7) also regarded Satan as
the chief of the demons.
It is this view which is taught In the Gospels (Mark
1 : 13, etc.) and was held by Paul and other New Testa-
ment writers and which prevailed in Christianity.
(3) The book of Tobit represents a third type of
thought. It names but one demon, Asmodaeus, who
was evidently of Persian origin. Asmodaeus is the
Persian Aeshma-daeva, " evil deity " or " spirit." The
author of this book belonged to the Persian portion of
the dispersion and a Persian demon appears to have
supplanted in his thought the native Israelitlsh agents
of evil.
(4) A fourth type of thought is represented by the
Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs and the Ascension
of Isaiah. In these writings, while the demonology Is
very real and all-pervasive, it is made up in a purely
rational way. The world is believed to be pervaded by
evil spirits, but these are simply the personification of
the evil propensities of man, — jealousy, lust, pride,
chicanery, injustice, rapacity, etc. Writers who re-
garded their demons In this way moved In a different
194
THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
realm of thought than those who gave to the divine
beings of Genesis 6 : 2-4 orthodox Hebrew names.
Over this host of evil propensities Beliar presided.^
He takes the place of Shemiaz and Satan in the other
systems. Beliar is a corruption of Belial, — which had
been employed in Nahum 2 : i as the name of a great
evil power. In earlier historical books Belial had been
used to designate worthlessness, as, for example, In
I Samuel 25 : 25. Perhaps it was an old name for
Sheol, but this is uncertain.
To most of the Jews of this time and afterward the
world was full of supernatural agencies, but the devel-
opment of their thought during the centuries after
Christ lies beyond the scope of this work.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. A Fuller Study of the Origin and Development of Angels
and Demons; cf. "Demons and Spirits" (Hebrew) in Hast-
ings' Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. IV, pp. 594-
601, and G. A. Barton, "The Origin of the Names of Angels
and Demons in the Extra-Canonical Apocalyptic Literature," In
Journal of Biblical Literature, XXXI, pp. 156-168.
2. The Babylonian Creation Myth and Its Influence In the
Old Testament; cf. G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible,
Philadelphia, 19 16, Part II, chapter I.
3. Persian Influences in Hebrew Angelology and Demonol-
ogy; cf. J. H. Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism, London, 1913,
Lecture IX.
1 See, e. g.. Test of Reuben 2:1, 6:3; Simeon 5:3; Levi 19:1; Issachar
6:1, 7:1; Dan. 1:7, 4:7, 5:10; Naphtali 3:1; Joseph 7:4; Benjamin
7:1, 2; Ascension of Isaiah 1:8, 9, etc.
CHAPTER XII
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS
Widespread Influence of the Psalter — Psalter Re-edited Many Times —
Steps by which it was Compiled — Psalm 44 — Imprecatory
Psalms — War Songs — Religious Classification of Psalms — Reli-
gion of the Nature-Psalms — Consciousness of Righteousness —
Prayers — Emotional Experience — Sacrifice in Psalms 50 and 51 —
Psalm 139 and Enlarged View of God — Psalm 51 and its Spiritual
Religion.
In the great Hebrew prophets we find the most spirit-
ual message of the Old Testament; in the Psalms we
find the tenderest devotional expression. No book of
praise has so long been the instrument for the expres-
sion of the best devotion of such a wide and varied
circle of the most civilized men. " St. Chrysostom flee-
ing into exile; Martin Luther going to meet all possible
devils at Worms; George Wishart facing the plague at
Dundee; Wickliffe on his sick bed, surrounded by his
enemies; John Bunyan in Bedford jail; William Wilber-
force in a crisis when all his most strenuous efforts
seemed in vain, and his noble plans were threatened
with ruin, — all stayed their hearts and renewed their
courage with verses from the Psalms. The Huguenots
at Dieppe marched to victory chanting the sixty-eighth
psalm; and the same stately war-song sounded over the
field of Dunbar. It was a psalm that Alice Benden
195
196 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
sung In the darkness of her Canterbury dungeon; and
the lips of the Roman Paulla, faintly moving in death,
breathed their last sigh in the words of a psalm. The
motto of England's proudest university is a verse from
the psalms; and a sentence from the same book Is writ-
ten above the loneliest. grave on earth, among the snows
of the arctic circle. It was with the fifth verse of the
thirty-first psalm that our Lord Jesus Christ commended
his soul to God; and with the same words St. Stephen,
St. Polycarp, St. Basil, St. Bernard, St. Louis, Huss,
Columbus, Luther, Melancthon — yea, and many more
saints of whom no man knoweth — have bid farewell
to earth and their welcome to heaven." ^
As pointed out in the last chapter, this psalter which
has been so widely employed, came into existence as the
hymn book of the second temple. It had a gradual
growth, somewhat analogous to that of the Moody and
Sankey hymn books. This growth can be traced in the
titles which are still prefixed to many of the psalms.
The nucleus of this growth was psalms 3-41, or the
first of the books into which the psalter is at present
divided, minus psalms i and 2 which were afterward
prefixed. For some reason, which we cannot now dis-
cover, this first book was called " The Psalms of
David." Perhaps it was so named because of his fame
as a musician — a fame which brought him to the court
of King Saul (I Sam. 16: 16 f.), and which had lost
nothing in the time of the prophet Amos (Amos 6:5).
1 See Henry Van Dyke, The Story of the Psalms, New York, 1887, p. 11.
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS 1 97
If actual compositions of David were included In It,
they cannot now be discovered.
It is probable, as will be shown below, that pre-exilic
compositions were included in the psalter, but these were
certainly re-edited so that they would accord with those
religious ideals for which the recently adopted priestly
law stood. We have already noted how these Ideals
led to the composition of the books of Chronicles, In
order to supplant the books of Kings. We may be sure
that the hymns, intended for actual use In the worship
of the temple, would also not be permitted to express
sentiments which, however consonant with the religious
ideals of the time before the Deuteronomic reform, were
utterly alien to the religious ideals of Nehemlah and his
friends.
In modern times people will sing theology far more
crude than that which they will tolerate in sermons, but
even the hymn books are revised from time to time In
order to make them continuously acceptable vehicles of
devotional expression,^ and we may be sure that the sec-
ond temple did not Inaugurate Its ritual by singing a
pre-prophetic theology.
At some time when the national spirit of Israel was
1 A seventeenth century hymn book is said to have contained the
following:
" Ye monsters of the briny deep,
Your maker's praises spout,
Up from the deep ye codlings peep.
And wag your tails about!
This has long been revised out of our hymn books. No modern con-
gregation could maintain a devotional mood while singing it.
198 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
again stirred, perhaps at the time of the unsuccessful
rebellion about 350 B. c.,^ books 2 and 3 of the psalter
were collected. This collection included psalms 42-83,
to which psalms 84-89 were afterward added. In
order to make the hymn book which contained psalms
42-83 the editor combined three previously existing
hymn books, and, as he did so, he left clues by which
we can trace his work. These hymn books had been
called respectively, " Psalms of the Sons of Korah,"
^' Psalms of Asaph," and " The Prayers of David, the
Son of Jesse." Up to this time the hymns had referred
to Israel's God as Yahweh. This had been done in
book I (psalms 3-41 ) and also in the three psalm books
which were now combined. The editor who combined
them did not approve of this and changed Yahweh
everywhere to elohim, i.e., to " God." ^ In course of
time psalms 84-89 were added to this collection, and
the man who added them permitted the divine name
Yahweh to remain in them. After the lapse of consid-
erable time — a time so long that many of the musical
terms used in the first three books of the psalter had
gone out of fashion — books iv and v were collected
and added to the psalter. This was probably done at
the time of the great revival of the national and reli-
1 See above, p. 144.
2 He did this with such zeal that he sometimes made mistakes. In
Ps. xlv, a non-religious poem written on the marriage of some king,
vs. 6 read, " Thy throne shall be for ever and ever." As *' shall be "
looks in Hebrew a little like " Yahweh," the editor inserted elohira in
its place!
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS 1 99
glous spirit which attended the Maccabaean struggle.
These books were in part made up of previously exist-
ing collections, as psalms 120-134 show, and at first
formed one book consisting of psalms 90-136. To
this psalms 137-150 were within a few years added, for
the whole seems to have been translated into Greek
about 130 B. c.
At the time of the Maccabaean struggle many of the
psalms which had long been in the psalter were revised,
to make them express more clearly the feelings of the
time. This revision is especially noticeable in psalms
44, 74, and 79. In the case of psalms 74 and 79 the
revision took the form of an extensive retouching
throughout the hymn; in the case of psalm 44 another
strophe was added to the hymn.
Psalm 44 instructively illustrates the history of the
psalter.^ Verses 1-8 contain a hymn of victory, which
breathes the exultation and the confidence of a nation
whose arms are triumphing. This is strikingly illus-
trated in vs. 5 f. :
Through thee we push down our adversaries:
Through thy name we tread them under that rise up against us.
Thou savest us from our adversaries,
And puttest them to shame that hate us.
This must have been written when Israel had armies
that were winning battles. As she had none in the
1 See American Journal of Theology, Vol. Ill, p. 740 f.
200 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
early post-exilic days, it is probable that a bit of pre-
exilic triumphal poetry has been utilized here by the
post-exilic psalm-book makers.
To this pre-exilic poem, which forms the first strophe
of the psalm, they added another of a very different
character. It begins at vs. 9 :
But now thou hast cast us off and brought us to shame,
Thou goest not forth with our hosts.
Thou makest us to turn back from the adversary;
And they that hate us take spoil for themselves.
This surely is a wail from an unsuccessful rebellion,
and fits well the time about 350 B. c. when Bagoses
cruelly treated the Jews. The second strophe of the
psalm (vss. 9-16) is all of this character. This
strophe is separated from the first one by the musical
term, Selah, which indicated that an instrumental Inter-
lude should come in between verses 8 and 9.
The last strophe, verses 17-26, Is of still a different
character. It reflects, not unsuccessful rebellion, but re-
ligious persecution, — persecution, too, endured by a
people that is conscious of having kept God's law.
All this is come upon us ;
Yet have we not forgotten thee,
Nor have we been false to thy covenant.
Yea, for thy sake we are killed all the day long;
We are accounted as sheep for the slaughter.
Such religious persecution was endured only in the
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS 20I
Maccabaean time, and there can be little doubt that this
strophe was added then.
This view is confirmed by the omission of " Selah "
after verse i6. In the Maccabaean time such musical
notation was not much used.
We cannot trace so clearly the history of the psalter
in other psalms, but we may be sure that by somewhat
similar processes of collecting, re-editing, and adapta-
tion our psalter was brought to completion.
This post-exilic Jewish church was a noble body of
struggling idealists, and, withal, very human. Good
and evil struggled in their hearts, and there was great
variety of opinion among them. All this is mirrored in
their psalms, and this is one cause of their popularity.
One can find here something expressed in simple, emo-
tional phrase, to voice almost every mood of the soul.
In the imprecatory ^ psalms even unregenerate hate
finds expression. This hate one can understand, even
though he abhors it, as in the sentiment:
Let his days be few;
Let another take his office.
Let his children be fatherless,
And his wife a widow.
Let his children be vagabonds and beg;
Let them be thrust from their desolate places.
Ps. 109: 8-10.
Again in Ps. 137 :
1 The imprecatory psalms are: 109, 129, 137, and 140. The following
may be called half imprecatory, viz.: — ^, 9, 10, 35, 79, loi, 149.
202 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
O daughter of Babylon, destined to destruction,
Happy is he who shall pay thee
The dealing thou hast dealt to us!
Happy he who shall seize and dash
Thy babes against the rock!
In such passages the Psalter touches Its lowest depths.
If it did not have depths as well as heights It would not
have been so useful a book to Imperfect human beings.
Closely allied with the imprecatory Psalms are the
hymns of war, of which we may take Ps. 68 as an ex-
ample. This psalm has undergone so many re-edltlngs
that It Is the crux of Interpreters. Probably It had a
pre-exlllc nucleus, was treasured by some early collector
In the hymn-book called " The Prayers of David," was
edited again for use In the struggle with Bagoses, when
It found Its present position In the Psalter, and was per-
haps retouched in Maccabaean times. It thus echoes
the trust and the hates of many wars, — strains that
have become strangely familiar In the agony of the
world war which began In 19 14.
Such war-songs rose, as we now realize so well, out
of a narrow patriotism, that made men feel sure that
they were the favourites of heaven, and that God hated
their enemies as much as they did. This Intense na-
tional narrowness runs through much of the psalter, and
mars Its beauty. So great a psalmist as the author of
Ps. 91, whose great words:
He that dwelleth in the secret place of the Most High
Shall abide under the shadow of the Almighty,
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS 203
have sustained many a saint, could not rise above it.
So long as he is safe he seems careless of humanity.
He sings :
A thousand shall fall at thy side,
And ten thousand at thy right hand,
But it shall not come nigh thee!
Two psalms, as noted In a previous chapter, are de-
voted to extolling the law; ^ eight contain retrospects of
Israel's history,^ retelling the story to create a devo-
tional spirit; seven ^ are nature psalms, whose authors
saw in the processes of nature a revelation of the power
and goodness of God. No modern reader can peruse
them intelligently without catching something of their
worshipful spirit. Such Is the case In Ps. 19:
The heavens declare the glory of God ;
And the firmament showeth his handiwork.
One feels It also In Ps. 147 :
He giveth snow like wool;
He scattereth the hoar-frost like ashes.
He casteth forth his ice like morsels:
Who can stand before his cold?
He sendeth out his word and melteth them:
He causeth his wind to blow and the waters flow.
1 These are 19:7-14, and 119.
2 They are 77, 78, 83, 105, 106, 114, 135, and 136.
3 These are 8, 19:1-6, 29, 104, 107, 139, 147, 148. In this classifica-
tion a psalm has to be placed sometimes in two classes as its author
either did not confine himself to one theme, or so treated his theme as
to bring in other motives.
204 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
The authors of such psalms as these help us to look
through nature to God. One feels it even in such pas-
sages as Ps. 74: 13-15, where the Psalmist has bor-
rowed his science bodily from the Babylonian Creation
Myth, simply putting Yahweh in place of Marduk:
Thou didst divide the sea by thy strength:
Thou brakest the heads of the sea-monsters in the waters.
Thou brakest the heads of Leviathan in pieces;
Thou gavest him to be food to the people inhabiting the
wilderness.
Thou didst cleave fountain and flood:
Thou driedst up mighty rivers.
The day is thine, the night also is thine:
Thou hast prepared the light and the sun.
The same power is felt in :
The earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof ;
The world and they that dwell therein.
For he hath founded it upon the seas,
And established it upon the floods.
Ps. 24: I, 2.
Seven psalms ^ reflect a peculiar consciousness of
righteousness. It is the kind of spiritual phenomenon
that might easily spring up in the minds of a people that
was earnestly devoting itself to the observance of an
external law by which they could measure themselves.
The possession of an objective law, which one could
be tolerably sure he had kept, begot in some psalmists a
1 These are 17, 18, 26, 44 at end, loi, 131, 134.
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS 205
consciousness of righteousness. Thus we read In Ps.
59:3:
For, lo, they he in wait for my soul ;
The mighty gather themselves together against me:
Not for my transgression, nor for my sin, O Lord.
This attitude reaches Its climax In Ps. 18 : 20-24.
Yahweh hath rewarded me according to my righteousness;
According to the cleanness of my hands hath he recompensed
me.
For I have kept the ways of Yahweh,
And have not wickedly departed from my God.
For all his ordinances were before me.
And I put not away his statutes from me.
I was also perfect with him,
And I kept myself from mine iniquity.
Therefore hath Yahweh recompensed me according to my
righteousness.
According to the cleanness of my hands in his eyesight.
Such psalmists were the predecessors of the one whose
prayer began: "God I thank thee that I am not as
other men are." They had never, Hke Paul, a later
Pharisee, noticed that the law contained a command:
" Thou shalt not covet," and who was led thereby to
discover the Impossibility — apart from a change of
nature — of controlling desire.
Thirty-four psalms are prayers for help,^ — prayers,
1 These are 3, 6, 7, i2, 13, 22, 25, 35, 38, 39, 44 middle part, 54, 55,
56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 64, 69, 70, 71, 74, 80, 83, 86, 88, 94, 102, 120, 141,
142, 143, 144-
206 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
which in the varying needs and moods of modern life
the Christian often finds in part appropriate to his own
needs. Forty-three psalms ^ are of a reflective or moral-
izing nature; their authors grapple with practical facts
or difficulties. Their efforts call forth our sympathies,
and their decisions instruct us. Twenty-eight psalms
contain expressions of trust that make them admirable
vehicles of personal devotion. Of this number special
mention must be made of Psalms 42, 43, 46 and 84.^
Some of the compilers of psalms were interested in
one aspect of devotion and some in others. Thus the
compiler of the Psalms of Asaph found a strong attrac-
tion in poems that discussed a problem. He included
in his psalter Ps. 50, which discusses animal sacrifice,
and Ps. 73, which discusses the inexplicable problem
of evil. The first of these problems, though an acute
one for his age, is no longer a problem to us, but the
second of them vexes us still.
The compiler of the Psalms of the Sons of Korah
was an expert in devotional literature. He had sounded
the depths of emotional experience, and has brought to-
gether a rare anthology of psalms for life's crises and
sorrows. What Christian has not been fain to use his
hymn:
1 These are i, 2, 14, 15, 20, 21, 24, 33, 34, 36, 37, 41, 49, 50, 52, 53,
60, 62, 65, 66, 68, 73, 76, 82, 88, 90, 92, 93, 97, 99, 100, 107, 108, III, 112,
115, 116, 118, 125, 127, 128, 133, and 138.
2 The whole list is: 4, 16, 23, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 39, 40, 42, 43, 46, 56,
57, 61, 62, 63, 67, 70, 84, 91, 121, 123, 124, 130, 140, 141.
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS 207
As the hart pants for brooks of water
So pants my soul for thee, O God ?
Have we not often encouraged ourselves with his re-
frain :
Why art thou cast down, O my soul?
Why art thou disquieted within me?
Hope thou in God ; for I shall yet praise him
For the help of his countenance? (cf. Ps. 42).
Many another than the hero of the Reformation has
been comforted in singing:
God is our refuge and strength,
A very present help in trouble.
Therefore will we not fear, though the earth do change.
Though the mountains be carried into the midst of the seas;
Though the waters thereof roar and be troubled.
Though the mountains shake with their swelling; (Ps. 46).
In other moods the words
My soul longeth, yea even fainteth
For the courts of Yahweh,
My heart and my flesh cry out
Unto the living God, (Ps. 84).
express our deepest longings far better than could any
words of our own.
There are three psalms about the thought of whose
authors a few words should be said. These are psalms
50, 139, and 51. Attention was called in the first chap-
2o8 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
ter to the fact that animal sacrifice was inherited by the
Hebrews from their heathen Semitic ancestors. No
doubt it, like all permanent religious institutions, had,
in the lapse of time, been given different explanations.
Prophets had declared ^ that sacrifice formed no part
of the original religion of Yahweh, but it was too firmly
established as an institution to be lightly thrown aside.
The prophets themselves, as noted in a former chapter,
had been compelled in the Deuteronomic legislation to
make terms with it. In the post-exilic time one inter-
pretation of sacrifice was that it was food presented
to Yahweh. He did not eat it in a human way, but took
it in a sublimated form by smelling its odour, and yet
he took it. Malachi had declared it robbery to with-
hold it from him.
With this view the authors of psalms 50 and 51
dared to take issue, though they approached the matter
in different ways. The writer of psalm 50 treats this
view of sacrifice with sarcasm. He says:
Hear, my people, and I will speak,
0 Israel, and I will bear witness against thee ;
God, thy God, am I.
Not for thy sacrifices will I rebuke thee.
For thy burnt offerings are before me continually.
1 will not take from thy house a bullock,
Nor from thy folds he-goats ;
For every beast of the forest is mine,
The cattle on a thousand hills.
I know every bird of the mountains,
1 See Amos 5 : 21-25.
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS 209
And the creatures of the field are with me.
If I were hungry, I would not tell thee,
For the world and its fulness are mine.
Will I eat the flesh of bulls?
Or drink the blood of goats?
Sacrifice to God thanksgiving.
And pay to the Most High thy vows;
Then call upon me in the day of trouble,
And I will deliver thee, and thou shalt give me glory.
The sacrificer of thanksgiving shall honor me,
And to him who directs his way
I will disclose the salvation of God. (Ps. 50: 6-15, 23.)
This psalmist represents God as repudiating with scorn
the Idea that he needs the food of animal sacrifices, and
declares unequivocally that all the sacrifice which God
wishes Is that men should be thankful and should direct
their ways aright. The author of psalm 51 held a sim-
ilar view. He says:
Thou desirest not sacrifice, else I would give it ;
In burnt offerings thou delightest not.
The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit ; —
A heart broken and contrite,
O God, thou wilt not despise. (Ps. 51 : 16, 17.)
This psalmist agrees with the other as to the uselessness
of animal sacrifices, but holds that God requires some-
thing more than mere thanksgiving and outward moral-
ity; he requires a penitent heart. This view Is In accord
with this psalmist's perception of the Inward nature of
religion, of which more will be said below.
2IO THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
The views of these psalmists did not, however, prevail.
An editor who thought the expression of Ps. 51 : 16, 17
too strong, added two verses to the psalm (i. e. 51 : 18,
19), which make the psalm Itself give the Impres-
sion that the language was only justified because It was
written during the exile, when Jerusalem was In ruins !
Thus animal sacrifice was continued. Both Hebrew
and heathen altars reeked with blood down to the de-
struction of the temple. Post-exilic Judaism had. In
the synagogue, developed a worship without sacrifice,
but Judaism did not In theory justify such worship. It
was only a make-shift. They believed the worship of
sacrifice in the temple was far better. It was the true
and genuine worship. So far as western Asia Is con-
cerned it was left for early Christianity to Inaugurate
a religion entirely without such sacrifice, and then the
author of the Epistle to the Hebrews was compelled
to interpret the death of Christ In sacrificial terms (Heb.
7-10) In order to explain why the new religion could
discard this world-old custom.
Perhaps no psalm indicates more clearly certain as-
pects of the progress of religious thought than the one
hundred and thirty-ninth. It stands In the last appen-
dix added to the psalter, and its many quotations from
previously existing psalms, as well as the form of Its
language, prove It to be among the latest In the psalter.
Probably it was written In the Maccabaean or early
Hasmonean time, i. e., after the middle of the second
century B. c. It is remarkable for the consciousness
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS 211
which Its author manifests that God's presence pervades
the world. It is true that his world was not as large
as ours. He knew of nothing further east than India,
or further west than the straits of Gibraltar. The
Scythians of southern Russia were the most northerly
people known to him, and probably he knew of no
country further south than the SomalUand of today.
Four hundred and fifty years before him some Phoeni-
cians, under the patronage of an Egyptian king had cir-
cumnavigated Africa,^ but their tales were received
with Incredulity, and it is doubtful If this Jew ever heard
of them. To him and the men of his time the sky was
an overarching dome Into which the stars were fixed
as lights. Sheol was a dark cavern underneath the
earth. Nevertheless this was a much larger world than
that known to the men of early Israel, and this writer
sets the men of our time a needed example In that his
religious faith had kept pace with the enlargement of
knowledge. God fills his world.
0 Yahweh, thou hast searched me and known me,
Thou knowest my sitting down and my rising up,
Thou percelvest my thought from afar.
Whither shall I go from thy spirit?
Whither shall I flee from thy presence?
If I go up to heaven, there thou art.
If I make my bed in Sheol, lo thou art there.
If I take the wings of the dawn,
1 See Herodotus, IV, 42.
212 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
And dwell in the westernmost sea,
There also would thy hand lead me,
And thy right hand hold me.
If I say, Only let darkness cover me,
Then the night shall be light about me.
Even darkness hides not from thee,
But night like day gives light ;
Darkness is as light.
For thou hast formed my reins.
Thou hast woven me in the womb of my mother.
To appreciate what an advance of thought this rep-
resents, we need but glance at the thought of David or
Elisha. David thought that Yahweh was the God of
Palestine. He was one among many gods. One
served him as a matter of course In Palestine, but If
one were driven from Yahweh's soil and compelled to
take refuge In another land, one as naturally then served
the god of that land. It was for this reason that David
said to Saul, " They have driven me out this day from
abiding In the Inheritance of Yahweh, saying, Go serve
other gods " (I Sam. 26: 19). Similarly Naaman, the
Syrian, who wished to worship Yahweh In Damascus
(II Kings 5: 17 f.), asked Elisha for two mule-loads
of earth to take to Damascus, that he might make a lit-
tle Palestine there, and so worship Yahweh on Yahweh's
soil. Elisha evidently shared the Idea that the power
of Yahweh was confined to his own land, and granted
the request. The author of this psalm had left all such
conceptions far behind. The all-seeing eye of Yahweh
and his creative power fills. In his belief, the whole
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS 213
world. The psalmist not only held this as an article
of Intellectual belief, but he so assimilated it to his
religious life that It became a devotional help to him.
The thought of an omnipresent, all-seeing God must,
when It Is fully grasped, either fill men with terror or
with hope — terror, if the heart Is out of harmony with
God; hope, If It Is In accord with the divine purpose.
This psalmist was of the last mentioned class. He ex-
claims :
How precious are thy thoughts unto me, O God !
I awake, and am still with thee.
Search me, O God, and know my heart;
Try me, and know my thoughts;
And see if there is any idolatrous way in me,
And lead me in the way everlasting. (Ps. 139: 17, 18, 23.)
In his case larger knowledge led to beter piety. It was
a vigorous, militant piety, I. e., a piety read to fight for
the will of God. For In the same context the psalmist
could exclaim:
With perfect hatred do I hate them, (I.e., Yahweh's foes);
I count them my enemies. (Ps. 139: 22.)
He so Identified himself with Yahweh that he loved what
Yahweh loved, and hated what Yahweh hated.
The most spiritual conception of religion in the whole
psalter, not to say the whole Old Testament, is ex-
pressed In the fifty-first psalm. Its author alone of all
214 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Old Testament writers saw that sin is of the heart, and
that it is the insuperable barrier to communion with
God.
For my transgression I know,
And my sin is continually before me.
Lo, thou desirest truth in the inward parts,
And in the hidden part thou wilt make me to know wisdom.
Create in me a clean heart, O God,
And renew a right spirit within me.
Cast me not away from thy presence,
And take not thy holy spirit from me.
Restore unto me the joy of thy salvation,
And with a free spirit uphold me. (Ps. 51 • 3, 7» 10-12.)
In no other pre-Christian writer is there so keen a
consciousness of sin, or so real an appreciation of the
fact that the essence of wrong doing is in the attitude of
the inner nature to God. Of all Hebrew writers this
one alone anticipates the teaching of Jesus, that God
requires not only a moral outward life, but a clean
heart. To him as to the Master both morality and the
joy of living flow from a heart cleansed by God and
indwelt by the Spirit. The psalmist, too, when he
sings :
The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit; —
A heart broken and contrite,
O God, thou wilt not despise,
anticipates in principle the parable of the prodigal son.
THE RELIGION OF THE PSALMISTS 21 5
The Father needs no propitiation except the penitence
of the son for whom he has watched so long. The Old
Testament contains no more spiritual view of religion
than this. Here is the finest flower of its piety.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. The Compilation of the Psalter; cf. J. P. Peters " Hebrew
Psalmody," in the Harvard Theological Review, IX, 36-55
(Jan. 1916), comparing his "Development of the Psalter" in
the New JVorld, III, (1893), PP- 285-312. Also G. A. Barton,
" The Bearing of the Composition of the Psalter on the Date of
the Forty-fourth Psalm," in the American Jourtial of Theology,
HI (1899), pp. 740-746.
2. The Religious Point of View of the Psalms of the Sons
of Korah, using the Psalter itself.
3. The Religious Point of View of the Psalms of Asaph, using
the Psalter itself.
4. Study fully the References in the Psalter to the Law.
5. Compare the Psalter with other ancient hymns; cf. S. Lang-
don, Sumertan and Babylonian Psalms, Paris, 1909, the transla-
tions in J. H. Breasted's Development of Religion and Thought
in Ancient Egypt, New York, 1912, or G. A. Barton, Archae-
ology and the Bible, Philadelphia, 1917, Part II, chapter xxi; F.
Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, Vols. 32, 42, 46, and 47.
CHAPTER XIII
THE RELIGION OF THE SAGES
The Sages — Hebrew Wisdom — The Book of Job — Its Prologue —
The Debate — Interpolations — Author of Job a Critic of Current
Theology — Taught a Deeper View of God — Conviction of a Fu-
ture Life — Healing Power of Communion with God Discovered
through Suffering — The Function and Limitation of Reason in
Religion — Expediency of Religion taught in Proverbs — Author of
Ecclesiastes an Earnest Sceptic — Proverbs of Ben Sira — In Wisdom
of Solomon Wisdom a Revelation of God — His Theory of Religion
Attractive — Some of his Thoughts in New Testament.
Apart from the prophets and priests there was In
ancient Israel a class of sages, who, in the time after
the exile, created a body of literature, known as the
*' wisdom " books. This name is given to their writ-
ings because they gave to wisdom so prominent a place.
This wisdom literature is akin in its general spirit to
similar classes of literature in Egypt and Babylonia,^
though it always reflects the point of view of Hebrew
monotheism.
Wisdom to the Hebrews did not mean, as it did to the
Greeks, knowledge or philosophy; it was rather an ex-
alted kind of common sense or insight into human na-
1 For examples of Egyptian wisdom see the Wisdom of Ptah-hotep and
The Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage. The former, too difficult for
connected translation, is described in Breasted's Development of Reli-
gion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, New York, 1912, p. 226 f. ; the
latter was published and translated by Alan Gardiner, Leipsig, 1908. A
sample of Babylonian wisdom may be found in the experiences of Tabi-
utul-Ellil; see G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Philadelphia,
i9i7» PP- 392-395-
216
THE RELIGION OF THE SAGES 217
ture. Wise people of this sort are mentioned early in
the history of Israel. Joab brought a " wise woman of
Tekoah " to Jerusalem to reconcile David to his son
Absalom, (II Sam. 14:2 f.). Her wisdom consisted
in ability skilfully to play upon the thoughts of the
king and justify to his mind what at heart he wished
to do.
Of all Israel's wise people Solomon was the most
famous. His wisdom was also of this practical sort.
The example of it given in I Kings 3 : 16-28 shows that
it consisted of Insight into character and a knowledge
of the motives which control human conduct. So great
was Solomon's practical, common-sense insight and such
was his exalted position that he became In later tradi-
tion the wise man par excellence of Israel, so that writ-
ings composed long after his time were ascribed to him,
just as psalms, composed long after David's time, were
called David's. It may have been the Intention to im-
ply In the case of the Book of Proverbs that this was
the kind of wisdom for which Solomon was famous; In
the case of Eccleslastes the ascription to Solomon was
probably owing to a mistaken interpretation of a sin-
gle phrase in the book.^
The earliest and greatest of these wisdom writers
was the author of the Book of Job, who lived and wrote
about 400 B. c- His poem Is one of the world's mas-
1 See Barton, Ecdesiastes, in the International Commentary, pp. 58
and 78.
2 See Barton, Commentary on Job, p. 39 f.
21 8 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
terpieces. It ranks with the productions of Greek, Ital-
ian, German or English poets. His theme Is the suf-
ferings of the righteous. For the central figure of his
poem he chose the hero of an old story, who, according
to the tale, had proven most patient and exemplary
under the great misfortunes which had befallen him.
Removing the middle part of the tale, all of which had
probably been handed down In prose, he Inserted his
poem in the place of It, thus permitting the old prologue
and epilogue to stand as the introduction and conclu-
sion of his Immortal work.^
According to the prologue God permitted misfor-
tunes and suffering to come upon Job, in order to con-
vert Satan from the error of his ways. Satan was not
yet the malignant character which he became in later
thought; he was only a sceptical or disgruntled angel,
whom God had hopes of reclaiming through Job's con-
stancy. While the prologue thus lets the reader into
the secret of Job's pain, to Job himself all this was
unknown. He had been an upright moral man accord-
ing to the standards of his time. He had, in common
with the men of his generation, held that God rewards
the righteous with earthly prosperity and the wicked
with earthly misfortunes, but, conscious that he had
not sinned, his poignant suffering shattered his faith In
this comfortable theology, and led him to doubt the
goodness of God. His three friends, who held still
the theology which Job once held, came to condole
1 Ibid., p. I f.
THE RELIGION OF THE SAGES 219
with him, but, overcome by his misfortunes, they sat
long In silence.
It is here that the poet begins his work. He puts
Into the mouth of Job a wail of despair which Is also
an arraignment of God. This shocked the three
friends, and they began in turn to try to show to Job
the error of his ways. They were sure that he must
have sinned, even If he Is unconscious of it, for, ac-
cording to their theory, nothing else could explain why
God had sent such punishment upon him. Job ener-
getically repudiated their Insinuations, and so the de-
bate waxed warm.
The genius of the poet Is strikingly exhibited In
the skilful way he portrays the discussion. He has
made the speeches of Job reflect the varying moods of
a really noble man, whose nerves are unstrung by dis-
ease and whose faith, wrecked by misfortune, is slowly
struggling back to a new and better life. The inevi-
table outbursts of Irritability and indignation, the in-
tense feeling of God's injustice, the sensitiveness of one
nervously unstrung to the criticism of well-meaning but
tactless friends, and the deep underlying yearning for
God which comes from a really unconquerable faith in
his goodness and justice, are all portrayed with masterly
skill. On the other hand the friends are treated with
no less skill. Eliphaz begins his first speech In the
fourth chapter In the tenderest and most tactful man-
ner. He is full of sympathy for his friend's misfor-
tune, though he must needs. In fidelity to his theology,
220 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
hint at an underlying sin as the cause of suffering. This
tenderness, as the debate becomes hot, is, in the most
natural way, gradually thrown off, until the friends
boldly charge Job with the commonest sins.
The speeches which the poet put into the mouth of
Job, shocked the sensibilities of orthodox Judaism. The
work was accordingly interpolated and to some degree
mutilated in order to make it more acceptable to Jewish
thought. But for this it would probably never have
been preserved for us. Fortunately most of the inter-
polations and changes can, with much probability, now
be discovered and rectified.^
The author of Job was in reality a great critic of
the theology which was current in his day, but he was
a constructive as well as a destructive critic. It was
necessary for him to show how inadequate that the-
ology was to explain the actual experiences of life, but
he also, in portraying how a soul may grow under the
discipline of suffering, presented a far more profound
and adequate theology. He did this by setting forth,
as the poem advanced. Job's growing faith in God, in
a future life, and in the healing power of present com-
munion with God.
Owing to the theory of the religious life that Job
1 These interpolations consist of ch. 28, the praise of wisdom, ch. 32-
37, the Elihu speeches, which were added by two hands, and ch, 40: 15-
41 : 34, the description of behemoth and leviathan. In chapters 24, 27,
and 30, words of Bildad and Zophar are attributed to Job, to make his
utterances seem more orthodox. See Barton, Commentary on Job, pp.
19-37, and the notes on the chapters mentioned.
THE RELIGION OF THE SAGES 221
had held, the first shock of his suffering destroyed his
faith in God's goodness. When a false theology is
swept away, it often takes for the moment all faith with
it. Job, as the poet delineates him, passed through
this experience. He bitterly complains in 7 : 12-21 that
the great '' Watcher of men " is relentlessly and use-
lessly torturing him, and in 9:21, 22 he declares that
God " destroys the perfect and the wicked " alike. All
faith in God as a good and just Being had gone.
But later, while Job was reasserting this point of
view, a new conviction of God's justice burst involun-
tarily from his lips.
Behold he will slay me; I may not hope,
But my ways to his face I will maintain.
This also shall be my salvation;
For a godless man shall not come before him. (Job 13: 15,
16.)
In the varying moods of Job's soul this new conviction
did not at first find permanent standing room. As in
other men it had to struggle for the mastery. So in
ch. 16: 12-18 Job could again make a bitter complaint
of the way God had delivered him to misfortune in
order to destroy him, but once more, while he was ut-
tering the thought, the new-born conviction that God
is good came back to him with renewed power, and he
declared:
Even now, behold, my witness is in heaven,
And he that voucheth for me is on high.
222 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Though buffeted to death by God and scorned by his
friends, the heart Instinctively turned to the Almighty,
and Job lifted his broken heart to his Creator.
Again this conviction is expressed in ch. 19 : 25, in a
context in which Job had been dwelling on the immi-
nence of dissolution. Here he expressed his conviction
of the moral character and unshakable justice of God in
the words:
I know that my Vindicator liveth,
And he shall arise as a last One over the dust.
God is the vindicator, because he is just, and he is the
last One because, after all the harsh and perverse judg-
ments of men have been expressed, his word shall be
final. Thus the sufferer who blasphemed in the first
agonies of his torture, reached a firmer and more se-
cure faith.
Parallel with this reviving faith in God there grew
in Job's soul the conviction of a future life. Like all
his Semitic kinsfolk he had believed that the departed
go into Sheol, a cavern within the earth, where, de-
prived of all the joys of real life, for a time they lead a
shadowy and undesirable existence.^ Job's suffering
had created in him a longing to come face to face with
God, that he might be vindicated (13:22). This long-
ing had taken the form of a wish that, if a man die,
he might live again (14: 13-15). At last his reviving
faith in the moral nature of God led him to the convlc-
1 See Isa. i4:9f., and Eze. 32:22-32.
THE RELIGION OF THE SAGES 223
tlon that, though his flesh should perish, yet apart from
his flesh he should see God (19:27). As in many
minds since, the conviction that God is good, combined
with the impossibility of realizing an adequate theodicy
in this life, kindled his faith in a life with God, where
such a theodicy could be experienced.^
The poet, too, has represented Job as discovering the
healing power of present communion with God. Job
had longed to come face to face with God as with an
opponent in a lawsuit (13:22), then the conviction
grew that a close approach to God might result in some
sort of communion (14: 15). After that, when he de-
spaired of living to meet God in this life, he had reached
the conviction that he would come face to face with
God in an after life and be vindicated (19:25-27).
This conviction, reached in a moment of exaltation, was
apparently not an abiding one. As the feelings of the
patient, whose nerves were weakened by illness, ebbed,
the glowing hope receded again into the background.
So Job in his final appeal to God demanded that his
divine Adversary should answer him, declaring that he
would go into the divine Presence proudly wearing his
indictment upon his shoulder (31 : 35-37). Then God
appeared to Job in the whirlwind, and the Infinite Pres-
ence affected Job in ways that he had not anticipated.
Life looked different when viewed from the divine
point of view; new feelings of penitence and of trust
sprang up within him, and he made the unexpected dis-
1 Compare G. A. Gordon, Immortality, A Neiv Theodicy, Boston, 1897.
224 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
covery that the solution of life's paradoxes and travail
are really to be found in present communion with God.^
One goes on happily, not because he knows the answer
to life's riddle, but because he is conscious that he lives
In the loving companionship of One who knows and
will guide the feet of his child Into the ways of peace.
In treating his immortal theme in this way the great
poet has not only set forth the solid foundation of re-
ligion, and pictured the growth of a soul as It may be
shaped in the furnace of life, but he has Incidentally
shown at once the function and the limitations of reason
in religion. Its function Is to question and demolish
outworn theologies, — to criticize and to brush aside
theories of the divine government that no longer sat-
isfactorily explain the facts of experience. Reason
cannot, however, penetrate the deeper mysteries of life;
It can give no satisfactory answers to life's tragedy and
heart-break. Only God can do this as he enters Into
communion with the soul In living experience.
In a much lower rank than the great poet of Job
stand the writers of Proverbs. Job, when the interpo-
lations are removed. Is the connected working out of a
great thought by a great mind. Proverbs on the other
hand is a collection of sayings of wise men from va-
rious ages and times. Aside from the general intro-
duction (ch. i: 1-6) there are eight separate strata In
the book, and a number of these have titles which Indi-
1 See Barton, Commentary on Job, 9-12, Peake, Job 18-21, and Prob-
lem of Suffering in the Old Testament, London, 82-102.
THE RELIGION OF THE SAGES 225
cate that they were separate collections of sayings of
the wise before they were placed in our book of prov-
erbs.^ These collections all teach a sound morality
and a real, though not an impassioned, religion. Their
tone is practical, and the motive urged for a moral
life as well as for the fear of God is usually expediency.
The authors exhibit deep insight Into the motives of
human conduct, and at times show real humour. This
last appears, for example, in the words addressed to
the drunkard in ch. 23 : 34:
And thou shalt be like one lying in the midst of the sea,
Or one lying on the top of a mast,
or in the following from ch. 20: 14:
It is bad, it is bad, says the buyer.
But when he is gone his way, then he boasteth.
In all the parts of the book except the first we have sim-
ply collections of thoughts. The different proverbs lie,
for the most part, like marbles in a bag; they touch,
but have no organic connection. This is not the case in
ch. 1-9. Here a wise man gives instruction in a con-
nected discourse to a pupil, who is addressed as " my
son." This Instruction reaches its most poetic culmlna-
1 These parts are as follows: a discourse on wisdom, 1:7-9:18; a
collection of proverbs entitled "The Proverbs of Solomon," 10:1-22: 16;
another collection entitled "The Words of the Wise," 22:17-24:22;
another, called "Other Sayings of the Wise," 24:23-34; "Proverbs of
Solomon, which the Men of Hezekiah, King of Judah, copied out,"
25-29; "The Words of Agur," 30; "The Words of Lemuel," 31:1-9;
"A Worthy Woman," 31:10-31.
226 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
tlon In ch. 8, which Is devoted to a praise of wisdom.
Toward the end of the chapter wisdom Is personified
as a helper that stood beside God as an architect at
the creation, apparently to aid him. Perhaps this was
no more than a strong literary metaphor, but neverthe-
less this and similar personifications by later writers
are probably what Influenced Paul to call Christ the
" wisdom of God."
On the whole the proverb-writers represent a worldly-
wise ethics and an expedlentlal fear of God. In this
work-a-day world It Is necessary at times that this side
should be emphasized as well as inner, spiritual ex-
perience. There are those who can appreciate religion
in no other form, but to many this form does not appeal
as much as the deeper experiences of Job.
The sages are represented In the Old Testament by
still a different type of mind. This is found in the
author of the book of Ecclesiastes, who lived and wrote
In Palestine about 200 B.c.^ Its author was a sage,
who had largely outgrown the formal religion of his
people and had, unfortunately, found no other. He
had not lost faith in God's existence. He still believed
God to be a powerful, transcendent Being, who keeps
man in ignorance of his ways, and who has circum-
scribed man in the meshes of fate, so that man may be
compelled to fear God. Ecclesiastes, or the Preacher,
counsels reverence, obedience, and the faithful perform-
1 See Barton, Ecclesiastes, in the International Critical Commentary,
1908, pp. 58-65.
THE RELIGION OF THE SAGES 227
ance of whatever covenants one enters Into with God.
His conception of God was not an attractive one, but
such religion as he had was sincere. He had no toler-
ance for shams In religion, nor any sympathy for the
glib worshipper who will In moments of danger conve-
nant with God for anything, If only he may escape, and
then go his way In forgetfulness when the danger Is
past (see Eccl. 5 : 1-7).
For the rest the Preacher's outlook on life Is not In-
spiring. He had sounded the depths of all human
functions and pleasures and his deliberate verdict Is
that all Is vanity and a striving after empty air. All
real pleasure eludes, he believed, him who pursues it.
A ceaseless round of vain efforts characterized, to his
mind, all the activities both of nature and of man. No
hope of an Immortality In which a greater satisfaction
could be experienced brightened his outlook. He knew
of the doctrine, but rejected It as not supported by suf-
ficient evidence (Eccl. 3:19-21). Notwithstanding
this, his philosophy of life Is not altogether dark. His
attitude Is manly and healthy. If not Inspiring. He ad-
vises one to enter Into life heartily, be kindly, venture
to sow and reap, fill up the whole round of life's duties
while you can. The young are to make the best use
of their bodily powers during the years when life Is
strong, for Inevitable decay comes with advancing
years, and cheerless Sheol will end all (Eccl. 11 and 12
except the glosses). The few years of bodily vigour
constituted, In the Preacher's view, man's only chance
228 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
for a little enjoyment. His advice, however, Is always
moral. Immoral excesses he believed robbed man even
of this meed of enjoyment.^
The words of Ecclesiastes would, probably, never have
been preserved for us, had not his literary Impersona-
tion of Solomon (Eccl. i: 12 ff.), been mistaken for
literal fact. Even then his words had to be softened
down by two Interpolators before they ceased to give
offence. One of these interpolators was of the ortho-
dox Jewish type, 2 the other was a sage, who besprinkled
the pages with a number of proverbs that often Inter-
rupt the flow of the thought."^ This last writer acted,
perhaps, also as the editor, who supplied the title and a
very few editorial touches,'* but even with all these helps
the book of Ecclesiastes represents a minimum of faith
and a maximum of scepticism. If the Bible is meant to
speak to every mood of the mind of man, Ecclesiastes
has his place In the canon, for often In the course of
history men have gone through the Preacher's sceptical
experience. Though Job or the Psalms much more
often speak the needed message to a troubled heart. It
Is well that Ecclesiastes should stand as a perpetual
monitor to the sceptical, that life need never fall to an
1 For a fuller statement, see Barton, Ecclesiastes, pp. 46-50.
2 This writer added 2:26; 3:17; 7:18b, 26b, 29; 8:2b, 3a, 5, 6a,
11-13; 11:9b; 12:1a, 13 from the words "fear God," and 14.
3 This writer added 4:5; 5:3, 7a; 7:1a, 3, 5, 6-9, 11, 12, 19; 8:1;
9:17, 18; 10:1-3, 8-i4a, 15, 18, 19.
*The editorial material consists of i : i, the words " says the Preacher "
in 1:2; 7: 27, and 12: 8.
THE RELIGION OF THE SAGES 229
Immoral level, or lack of faith drive one to self-de-
struction.
Although not Included in our Protestant canon of
Scripture, there are two other products of Israel's circle
of sages which have had wide Influence in the Christian
world, the so-called Ecclesiastlcus, or the Wisdom of
the Son of Sirach, and the book which Is entitled The
Wisdom of Solomon. The first of these was composed
by Joshua (in Greek, Jesus) son of Sirach about 190—
180 B. c, and was translated into Greek about 130 B. c.
by his grandson, of the same name. We now know It
In both the Hebrew and the Greek text.
Ecclesiastlcus resembles the book of Proverbs. It
contains much of the same sort of gnomic wisdom —
shrewd observations upon various aspects of life and
conduct, expressed in brief poetic form. Its author,
like the author of Proverbs 1-9 holds wisdom In high
esteem. Wisdom and knowledge are to his mind vir-
tue, and the fool and the ungodly are placed In the
same category and both are condemned to a lot worse
than death (Ecclus. 22: 11, 12). His praise of wis-
dom in ch. 24 rises to a lofty poetic strain and, like
Prov. 8, makes a strong personification of wisdom. Ec-
clesiastlcus like Proverbs holds that the fear of God Is
wisdom, and also as in Proverbs the conception of re-
ligion is controlled by prudential consideration. He
sometimes carries expediency to the point of hypocrisy,
as in 38: 17, where he counsels one to weep bitterly at
a funeral " lest thou be evil spoken of." The writer,
230 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
like the author of Ecclesiastes, had no outlook beyond
the grave (Ecclus. 10: 11; 19:3), and no passionate
yearning for a high ideal breathes from his pages. ^
Of a very different character, in some ways, is the so-
called Wisdom of Solomon, which was written in Greek
probably in the first century before Christ. Its author
shares with Proverbs and the son of Sirach a profound
reverence for wisdom. His seventh chapter contains
a praise of personified wisdom as beautiful and as im-
passioned as theirs. In his view, too, virtue is wisdom
and knowledge, but he goes further and holds that wis-
dom is the active revelation of the divine will.
This writer was passionately religious. He sympa-
thized with the Chasidtm, that class of pious souls in
Israel out of which the Pharisees were developed. One
of the objects of his book was to combat false teachers,
among whom was the author of our book of Ecclesi-
astes.^
He believed that moral renewal comes only by the
gift of God, and moral dynamic is from above, (Wisd.
8:21, 9:6); nevertheless wisdom which gives this
moral dynamic, may be found of all who seek her
(Wisd. 6 : 1 2 f.) . The whole thesis of the book is that
the moral life can be lived only in fellowship with wis-
1 The author at the beginning of ch. 44 sets himself to " praise famous
men," and in this and in following chapters he takes up one by one
the characters of the Old Testament. His book at this point reveals
to us how much of the Old Testament was regarded as canonical in
his day.
2 For proof, see Barton, Ecclesiastes, pp. 57, 58.
THE RELIGION OF THE SAGES 23 1
dom. As wisdom " sitteth by the throne of God " and
Is from God, and as one cannot be perfect unless wis-
dom be granted him, It follows that he realized that
the highest life Is Impossible apart from fellowship with
God. As the Christian speaks of fellowship with
Christ, when he refers to that divine companionship
that Is the Inspiration of the highest life, this sage
speaks of fellowship with wisdom. He had In his
way learned the same secret as the author of the fifty-
first psalm. This fellowship with wisdom appears to
have led him to entertain a hope of Immortality (see
WIsd. 8: 17).
We should notice In passing that this writer held
some views which afterward found expression In the
New Testament. He Is the first to Identify the serpent
of the garden of Eden (Gen. 3) with Satan (see WIsd.
2: 23, 24), and to account for the fall of man thereby.
Some of the apocalyptlsts had held that the fall of man
was accomplished by the angels who came down to earth
and took human wives (Gen. 6: 2-4),^ but this writer
championed the view, to which Paul afterward gave
such powerful expression In Romans 5: 12-19.
The writer of Wisdom was also one of those who
helped to prepare the way for the use of the term
" Word " In the Gospel of John. Psalmists and
prophets had sometimes so personified God's word as to
Imply that It could be sent on errands for him. Thus
the great prophet of the exile says that God's word shall
1 So for example the Ethiopic Enoch, chapters 6-8; see above, p. 190 f.
232 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
not come back empty, but shall accomplish God's pleas-
ure (Isa. 55 : 1 1), and a psalmist had sung:
He sendeth out his word and healeth them (Ps. 107: 20).
The personification of the divine word in Wisdom is
even more emphatic. In speaking of the night when
the firstborn of the Egyptians were slain, he says, " For
while . . . that night was in the midst of her swift
course, thine almighty word leaped down from heaven
out of thy royal throne, as a fierce man of war into the
midst of a land of destruction." ^ Here the word is
not far removed from God himself. Into the ancestry
of the term Word as it is applied to Christ in the Fourth
Gospel Greek elements as well as those of Hebrew
origin entered, but the use of the term " word " by this
writer shows to some degree what that Hebrew ancestry
was.^
A survey of the wisdom literature reveals religious
expression of very diverse types, ranging from the im-
passioned utterances of Job's growing soul as it throbbed
with pain and with aspiration to the prudential expe-
diency of Proverbs and the son of Sirach. The different
parts stand upon quite different levels of religious in-
sight and inspiring power. It is a striking fact that
the earliest of the wisdom writers is the only one that
made a great contribution to religious thought. The
1 Wisdom 18: 14, 15.
2 On the Logos doctrine of the Gospel of John, see E. F. Scott, The
Fourth Gospel, ch. v.
THE RELIGION OF THE SAGES 233
author of Job blazed out a new path. After him the
wisdom literature, when read chronologically, makes a,
to some degree, religious anticlimax. And yet It Is not
altogether an anticlimax, for the Wisdom of Solomon
lifts the thought out of the commonplace expediency of
Proverbs and Ecclesiastlcus and the cold scepticism of
Eccleslastes Into a warmer realm of faith and com-
munion. Though his thought lacks the creative power
of the author of Job, It Is full of faith and a genuine,
calm piety.
We cannot be too thankful that the sages were In-
cluded In the Old Testament. Had we only the utter-
ances of priests and prophets, the whole of the reflect-
ive side of life would have been without adequate rep-
resentation. It would have seemed that the Bible had
no message for It. The wisdom literature for ever tes-
tifies that God has a message for the men who think, as
well as for the men who pray — for the unimaginative,
commonplace doer, as well as for the prophet of in-
spired and inspiring vision.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. The Problem of Suffering in Job; cf. A. S. Peake, The
Problem of Suffering in the Old Testament, London, 1904,
chapter 5 ; G. A. Barton, Commentary on Job in the Bible for
Home and School, New York, 191 1, pp. 7-13, 40—42.
2. The Future Life in Job; cf. R. H. Charles, A Critical
History of the Doctrine of a Future Life in Israel, in Judaism
and in Christianity, London, 1899, pp. 68-72; G. A. Barton,
Job (as above), p. 9 ff., 140 ff., p. 175 ff.
234 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
3. Study comparatively the Praise of Wisdom in Job 28,
Prov. 8, Ecclesiasticus 24, and Wisdom of Solomon, 7.
4. The Scepticism of Ecclesiastes ; cf. Barton, Ecclesiastes in
International Critical Commentary, pp. 32-50.
5. A Comparison of Eg>^ptian and Babylonian Wisdom ; cf . J.
H. Breasted, The Developjuent of Religion and Thought in
Ancient Egypt, New York, 1912, chapter 7; G. A. Barton,
Archaeology and the Bible, Philadelphia, 19 16, Part II, chapters
20 and 22.
CHAPTER XIV
FIVE RELIGIOUS TRACTS
The Short Story not a Modern Invention — Ruth taught God's Favour
to Foreigners — Jonah a Humorous Allegory — A Missionary
Tract — Its Teaching that of Second Isaiah — Esther and the Feast
of Purim — Origin of the Book — Vengeance — Noblesse Oblige —
Self-Sacrifice and Deception in Judith — Tobit — His Practical Re-
ligion— Persian Influences.
We are accustomed to think that the short story is a
modern invention. Such a view would be impossible
if we rightly appreciated the literature in our Bibles,
for there are three interesting short stories in the Old
Testament, and, if we include the Apocrypha, there are
five. These short stories were each written for a pur-
pose more or less closely connected with religion. They
come from different centuries; their authors represent
different standpoints; their messages, accordingly, vary.
The oldest of these is the book of Ruth, a beautiful
idyl, which transports us in imagination to the period
of Israel's Judges. This was the most barbarous pe-
riod of Israel's history, but in the pages of Ruth the
barbarism does not appear. The reader, instead of
seeing these, beholds only such suffering as death and
bereavement may bring to all in every age. The whole
sweep of the story moves in such experiences as all
understand. The lonely widow returning to her kin-
2ZS
236 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
dred, the faithful daughter-in-law who endures exile
rather than desert a lonely woman, the niggardly kins-
man who was unwilling to perform the duty of the next
of kin, the more noble Boaz, generous to the poor, who
first befriends a woman out of charity, and then makes
her his bride, all move attractively across the pages
of the brief story and make a universal appeal. Cer-
tain of the customs are archaic; the course of Ruth is
more in accord with ancient Semitic customs than with
those of modern society. Nevertheless the story can
never lose its charm so long as death breaks up homes,
unselfish love gladdens bereaved hearts, and men and
women love and wed.
The climax of the whole story lies in the fact that
Ruth, the foreign girl, became the mother of the great
king, David. It was to impress this fact that the book
was written. Ezra and Nehemiah inaugurated in the
fifth century B. c. a campaign against foreign-born wives.
With the zeal of narrow sectarians they insisted that
all such wives should be put away (see Ezra 10; Neh.
13:23 f.). Affection they disregarded. The rights
of faithful women were nothing in their eyes, unless
the women happened to be of Hebrew ancestry. The
children of such mothers suffered with them, but in the
eyes of the zealous puritans no sacrifice was too great.
The congregation of the Lord must be purged of all
foreign blood — of all possible taint of foreign re-
ligion.
The author of this book uttered a protest against
FIVE RELIGIOUS TRACTS 237
such narrow zeal. He demonstrated that David, the
king whom they venerated, the king after God's own
heart, was descended from a foreign mother. The
lesson was obvious. God did not disapprove of for-
eigners as such. He had blessed Ruth in a signal way.
The author did not say, as Peter afterward did, " God
is no respecter of persons; but in every nation he that
feareth him and worketh righteousness is acceptable to
him," but such is clearly the inference to be drawn from
his story.
Another delightful story, written to teach a lesson
still more lofty, constitutes our book of Jonah. It will
surprise some to find Jonah classified as a story, rather
than a prophecy, but that is only because Jonah is the
most misunderstood of all the books of the Bible. It
is not a prophecy, but a story about a prophet. Com-
pare it with the books of Amos and Hosea, and he
must indeed be obtuse in literary perception who can-
not see that it is a work of entirely different character.
To take it as literal history has been the occasion of
endless jests from mockers, and equally endless perplexi-
ties. As history it presents serious difficulties, and
improbabilities;^ as a story, it is delightful, attractive,
and entertaining. It charms the reader with its
piquant incidents; it inspires him with its broad re-
ligious horizons. If it provokes a smile, may it not
have been intended to do so? Only a most unimagin-
^ See the excellent statement of this in Bewer's Jonah in the Inter-
national Critical Commentary, p. 3.
238 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
atlve age could hold that the Bible has no place for
humour!
The story of Jonah's fish was long regarded as
unique, but can no longer be so regarded. Such stories
have been told among many peoples, and Frobenius calls
them '' Jonah-stories." ^ Perhaps this part of the tale
was suggested to the author by the fact that Babylon
had been spoken of as a dragon who had swallowed
Israel up in the exile, but who should be made to cast
her out of his maw; (Jer. 51 : 34, 44). It is clear that
the purpose of the book of Jonah was to teach Israel
a lesson, and it would not be strange if, with Jeremiah
before him, the author intended by this story to alle-
gorize the Babylonian exile.
But in this case, why should he call the hero of his
story Jonah? Such a prophet had lived in the first
half of the eighth century in Israel (II Kings 14: 25),
but why should his name be selected rather than that
of some more prominent prophet? Perhaps because
the name Jonah means " Dove," and " Dove " was often
a symbolic name for Israel. ^
The story seems to have been written In the third cen-
tury before Christ, perhaps about 250 B. c. It was writ-
ten to satirize Israel for her unwillingness to fulfil her
God-given mission. The great prophet of the exile had
taught that Israel's mission was to make God known to
the world. All her suffering had been to this end (Isa.
1 See Bewer, Jonah, 6.
2 See Encyclopedia Biblica, II, 2567, n. 4, and Bewer, Jonah, 8.
FIVE RELIGIOUS TRACTS 239
52:13-53:12), and was to become a potent means
of bringing the nations to realize their sinfulness. The
book of Jonah approaches the same great theme In a
different way. God sent the " Dove " on a message
to one great nation, but she was unwilling to go, and
tried to run away from the task. As a punishment she
was swallowed up In the Babylonian exile, but God mar-
vellously preserved her life, and caused her to escape
that she might still perform her mission. She engaged
In a little service and Gentiles repented, but she was
angry because God did not destroy them. This whole
attitude is, in the book of Jonah, held up to ridicule.
With his satire and his humour the author prods his un-
willing compatriots to the performance of that glorious
duty which the Second Isaiah had portrayed with such
pathos and sympathy.
The book of Jonah is a missionary tract. Its author
is the one man, whose work has come down to us, who,
in the time after the exile, caught the vision which
the Second Isaiah had had of Israel's mission for God,
and urged it upon his countrymen. His was the world-
wide conception of service that was given fuller expres-
sion in Jesus Christ, and, through the efforts of St. Paul,
finally triumphed.
Another story of still a different character is con-
tained In the book of Esther. Our forefathers of
course regarded Esther as literal history, but It Is not
possible to so regard it now. We know that the name
of the wife of Xerxes, whom the Hebrews called Ahas-
240 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
huerus, was not Vashti, but Amestrls/ and, so far as we
know, he had no other wife. It has also been shown
that Mordecai and Esther are not the names of his-
torical persons, but are but slightly disguised forms of
the names of the Babylonian deities, Marduk and Ish-
tar. The origin of the names of Vashti and Haman
is not so certain, but in the opinion of several scholars
they are probably of Elamite origin, Vashti being a cor-
ruption of Mashti, an Elamite goddess, and Haman a
corruption of the name of the Elamite god Humbaba.^
The book of Esther was clearly composed to explain
the origin of the feast of Purim, which was celebrated
on the 14th of Adar. Opinions differ as to the origin
of this festival. One theory proposed more than a
hundred years ago, which has proved acceptable to a
number of eminent scholars, is that Purim originated
in the celebration of the victory of the Jews over the
Syrian General Nicanor on the 13th of Adar, 161 B. c.^
For a time the anniversary of this victory was celebrated
as a festival. It seems more probable that Purim is
of Babylonian or Persian origin. It Is probably an old
spring festival, which the Jews living in those countries
adopted, just as Jews in modern times adopt the festi-
vals of the people in the midst of whom they live. It
is only thus that the Persian setting and colouring of the
book of Esther can be accounted for. They are inex-
1 See Herodotus, ix, 109.
2 See Paton's Esther in the International Critical Commentary, p. 67 f.
3 I Mace. 7:39-50; II Mace. 15:20-36; Josephus, Antiquities, xii, 10, 6.
FIVE RELIGIOUS TRACTS 24 1
plicable if the feast originated in the celebration of Nic-
anor's day. It is, of course, possible that Nicanor's
day was merged with a festival that the Jews who lived
in Mesopotamia had previously adopted from their
neighbours, and that it was for this reason that the feast
became a general one among orthodox Jews, but cer-
tainly the story of the book of Esther, by which Purim
is justified, is of Babylonian origin.
It seems probable, too, that the story is a modification
of a tale that the Babylonians had told of a victory they
had at some time won over Elam. All ancient wars
were regarded as conflicts, not only between two earthly
armies, but also between their gods. A war between
Babylonia and Elam was consequently regarded as a
conflict between Marduk and Ishtar on the one hand and
Humbaba and Mashti on the other.
While the exact origin of the tale cannot now be as-
certained with certainty, it is clear that it was of non-
Jewish extraction. It was probably chosen and two of
its chief characters represented as Jewish, because it de-
scribed a deadly struggle, and was thus well adapted to
summarize the struggles with persecutors through which
the Jews were so often called upon to pass. The Jew-
ish author, in giving his tale a setting at the Persian
court of Xerxes, displayed not a little knowledge of Per-
sian customs, but this does not prove his tale historical.
Many of the stories of the Arabian Nights reflect his-
torical conditions of the court of the Caliphs of Bagdad,
but are nevertheless not historical. The story was,
242 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
probably, written about lOO B. c. It gave an explana-
tion of the origin of the new feast of Purim, and at
the same time expressed something of the national feel-
ing against foreigners aroused by the Maccabaean strug-
gle.
One of the strange features of the story of Esther Is
that It Is almost non-rellglous. The name of God does
not occur In It. No religious motive Is assigned to any
action which It records. Intense national hatred against
the Jews Is recorded, and this Is met by a hatred on the
part of the Jews equally Intense. Jews escape destruc-
tion; those who planned their overthrow are themselves
destroyed. At this last fact Jews exult, not with the
gladness begotten of deliverance merely, but with the
exultant hatred of those who are able to wreak their
vengeance on their enemies.
There Is one noble trait portrayed In the book — the
heroism of Esther. She Is braced for the dangerous
undertaking that might so easily have meant death by
the consideration that perhaps her high position had been
granted her for just such a service (Esth. 4: 14). Her
action Is, accordingly, the vehicle of a noble lesson. Po-
sition, learning, wealth are not to be hoarded. They are
great trusts. Their possessors should In times of crisis
consider that Providence has especially prepared them
for heroic service. " Who knowest whether thou hast
not come to the kingdom for such a time as this?"
Noblesse oblige! What noble spirit can resist such a
call? In Esther's case, however, the call Is patriotic
FIVE RELIGIOUS TRACTS 243
rather than religious, though patriotism and religion are
closely allied and often merge into each other.
But the book of Esther, through its dark picture of the
destructive hatred generated by oppression, conveys an-
other much needed lesson. Modern lands suffer as
acutely from race antagonism as did any country of
the ancient world. This antagonism results in plots as
bloody and cruel as that depicted in the book of Esther,
and, sometimes, in massacres and lynchlngs, which. If
not as extensive as those portrayed In Esther, are no
less barbarous. All modern civilized countries suffer
from an industrial antagonism which is at times as deep-
seated and as fierce as race antagonism — an antagonism
that often causes war and bloodshed. We read in the
pages of Esther how hate always begets hate, that vio-
lence begets violence, and that it may deflower the souls
of those who participate in it of their fairest beauty and
noblest spirit.
The story of Judith in the Apocrypha is, like Esther,
the story of an heroic woman, who risked her life to
save her people. It was, perhaps, originally told of an
incident in the Maccabaean wars,^ but the version of it
that has come down in our Apocrypha was written with
many embellishments in the first century b. c, perhaps
about the time of Pompey's siege of Jerusalem In the
year 63 B. c. It reads much more like a modern novel
1 See the shorter form of the story published by Gaster in the Pro-
ceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, XVI, i6o, 161, and
Caster's remarks in the Encyclopaedia Biblica, II, col. 2644.
244 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
than the book of Esther does, and though full of his-
torical Incongruities, is so told as to be interesting for
the sake of the story. The conduct of Judith expresses
a heroism and self-sacrifice like that of Esther. The
same hatred and rejoicing at the ruthless destruction
of enemies, on which we have just commented, appears
In Judith also. The new feature of its teaching Is Its
reverence for the ceremonial Jewish law. All this cere-
monial Is emphasized, including regulations of diet and
ceremonial ablutions (Judith, 10:5; 12:2, 7, 19; 16:
8). It Is implied (ch. 11:10-13) that the neglect
of the laws of diet will so anger God that he will de-
stroy his chosen people. This is the attitude of Pharisa-
ism. This scrupulous regard for ceremonial purity
stands In striking contrast with the deliberate lying and
deception which Judith practised (ch. 11: 11-17; 12:
14-20), not to mention murder (ch. 13:8). Even
while Judith was lying she protested that she was tell-
ing the truth (ch. 11: 5). In these respects the story
reflects the tendency to make clean the outside of the
cup and the platter, while within they were anything
but pure, which about a hundred years later Christ
so strongly denounced.
The book of Tobit, composed probably about 100
B. c, or a little earlier, contains another story which
reads much like a novel. Much of the scene is laid In
distant Persia, and Persian Influences are clearly to be
traced in the book.^ The story In Its present form Is a
1 As in the case of the demon Asmodaeus, Tobit, iii, 17.
FIVE RELIGIOUS TRACTS 245
gradual growth, In which it is now clearly possible to
trace some elements of the Story of Ahlkar, another tale
that was popular in antiquity.^
The book is difficult to classify doctrinally, since op-
posing currents of opinion are expressed in it. In some
respects its writer was as legalistic as the Pharisees.
He prided himself on not having eaten the bread of the
Gentiles (Tobit 1:10), on paying tithes (ch. 1:7),
and upon fasting and prayer (ch. 12:8). He also
condemned intermarriage with Gentiles (ch. 4:12).
In these respects he was in agreement with the pious
puritans of Judaism. In other respects the teachings
of the book are not in harmony with the law. Its au-
thor, for example, encourages marriages between kins-
folk (ch. I : 9; 3: 15; 4: 12; 5 : II f). If Tobit 7: 2-4
is to be taken literally, Sara and Tobias were first
cousins, in which case the book advocates a marriage
between those within the degrees of kinship prohibited
by Lev. 18:6-18 and 20 : 11 f . This type of marriage
was common in Persia ^ and is one of the evidences of
Persian influence in the book.
The author expressed moral teaching of a high order.
A master should pay just wages to his servants and
should pay promptly (ch. 4: 14, 12 : i f.). He had a
fine sense of the relative value of material things.
" Be not," he says, " greedy to add money to money:
but let it be as refuse in respect to our child " (5:18).
1 See J. R. Harris, Story of Ahikar, Cambridge University Press, 1898.
2 See J. H. Moulton in Expository Times, March, 1900.
246 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Again: *' A little with righteousness is better than
much with unrighteousness" (12:8). He commends
philanthropy in two ways. His hero buried the bodies
of his slain compatriots (i: 19; 2: i-io), and he en-
joined most earnestly the duty of almsgiving (1:3,
16 f.; 4:16; 12:8). His philosophy of almsgiving
was, however, false. He held that alms atoned for sin
and delivered from death (4:iof.; 12:9)— a view
which has been shared by many in different countries
and centuries, and which still leads capitalists to salve
their consciences for the robbery of widows and orphans
by founding churches and endowing colleges.
Perhaps Tobit's closest approach to the teaching of
Christ is to be found in his negative form of the
^' golden rule." He says (ch. 4: 15) • " That which
thou hatest do to no man."
Diverse as these short stories are, they give us wel-
come knowledge of some of the many forms which reli-
gious thought and practice took during the centuries
between the exile and the coming of Christ.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. Study further the Purpose of Ruth; cf. '' Ruth " in Hast-
ings, Dictionary of the Bible and the Encyclopaedia Biblica.
2. Investigate the Theories of the Book of Jonah; cf. Bewer,
Jonah in the International Critical Commentary, pp. 6-23, and
G. A. Barton, The Roots of Christian Teaching as Found in
the Old Testament, Philadelphia, 1902, chapter 51.
3. The Nature of the Book of Esther; cf. L. B. Paton, Esther
FIVE RELIGIOUS TRACTS 247
in the International Critical Commentary, pp. 47-93, or
" Esther " in Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible and the En-
cyclopaedia Biblica.
4. The Nature and Problems of Judith ; cf. " Judith " in
Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible and the Encyclopaedia Biblica,
or R. H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha.
5. The Nature and Problems of the Book of Tobit; cf.
" Tobit " in Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible and the En-
cyclopaedia Biblica, or R. H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseud-
epigrapha,
CHAPTER XV
THE HOPES OF THE APOCALYPTISTS
The Nature of an Apocalypse — Reasons for Apocalypses — Number of
Them — They have Common Point of View and Common Mate-
rial— Origin of the Material — Apocalyptic Theory of History —
Ethiopic Enoch 1-36 — Belief in Resurrection and Judgment —
Kingdom of God — Date and Composition of Daniel — Son of Man
in Daniel — Enoch Parables — Pre-existence of the Messiah, the
Son of Man — Temporary Character of Apocalyptic — Its Function.
Apocalypse is a form of literature by Itself. It is
quite distinct from prophecy, and developed In Israel
only after prophecy had died out. It has been pointed
out ^ that prophecy died out in the third century B. c.
After that time no one dared to stand up and In his own
name speak as an oracle of Yahweh. Notwithstanding
this, troublous times continued to come, and men longed
for some word of divine guidance as of old. To meet
this need Individuals began to write apocalypses or
" revelations." These men were apparently obscure
persons. They felt that, if they uttered the truth which
they believed God wished their generation to know in
their own names, it would fall upon heedless ears. The
one way they could obtain a hearing for their message
was, they thought, to represent It as the message of
some worthy who had lived long ago and whose name
and character the men of their time revered. All apoc-
1 See above, p. 146.
248
THE HOPES OF THE APOCALYPTISTS 249
alypses are, accordingly, pseudeplgraphs, i.e., they are
attributed to persons who did not write them, and in
all cases but one, to men who lived long before the
writer's time.
This does not mean that they are forgeries in the
modern sense of the word " forgery." The apocalypse
became as much a recognized literary form in the cen-
turies between 200 B. c. and 100 A. d. as the historical
novel is today. The authors of apocalypse were most
pious and patriotic men. Their one desire was to give
consolation and courage to their suffering brethren.
They were willing to be themselves unknown and for-
gotten. They had no pride of authorship. Their one
desire was that the inspiring vision that had come to
them might be so conveyed to others as to be heeded.
The famous characters chosen to be the mouthpieces
of the apocalyptic messages were men like Enoch, Noah,
the twelve sons of Jacob, Baruch, Ezra, etc., — men who
had lived long ago. How could these men be plausibly
represented as having uttered messages for the later
periods in which the apocalyptists lived? This diffi-
culty was met by the literary form of the apocalypse.
The early saint whoever he might be, whether Noah,
Enoch, Moses, or another, was represented as having
had visions in which the future course of the history of
the world was revealed or " unveiled " to him. This
was always done in a kind of cipher which but thinly
veiled the real history of the past. When In this way
the course of events had been traced down to the time
250 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
of the apocalyptist, a prophecy of divine intervention,
whereby God was to come to the rescue of his people
in the impending crisis, was introduced. The thinly
veiled history, all of which had been future to the saint
who was supposedly speaking, was of course easily un-
derstood by the readers, and when they saw how this
was true, it gave them greater faith in the prophecy
that referred to what was in their time still in the future.
This form of literature must have been most helpful,
or so many apocalypses would not have been composed.
We have but two of these works in our canon of Scrip-
ture, Daniel and the Book of Revelation, but in modern
times two apocalyptic volumes have come to light at-
tributed to Enoch, two to Baruch, one to Moses, one to
Isaiah, one to each of the Hebrew patriarchs, not to
mention the Book of Jubilees, the Psalms of Solomon,
and parts of the Sibylline Oracles. The Book of IV
Esdras, called in the English Apocrypha II Esdras, has
never been lost, and did not need to await discovery in
modern times.
The mere mention of these books does not, however,
give an adequate idea of the number of apocalypses
composed. One of the volumes attributed to Enoch
contains no less than five different apocalypses now
woven into one. Among these parts of a still earlier
apocalypse of Noah can be detected. One of the vol-
umes attributed to Baruch has in like manner been com-
posed of six originally separate apocalypses of Baruch.
IV Esdras is likewise a conglomerate of several works.
THE HOPES OF THE APOCALYPTISTS 25 1
It Is perhaps not too much to say that no single apoca-
lypse now known to us was written at one sitting. All
are pieced together from previously existing composi-
tions, and no one of them bears the name of Its compiler.
The apocalyptic method makes It easy In most cases
approximately to fix the date when each work was com-
posed. So long as history Is told In the form of vision
we are sure the writer was dealing with times which lay
behind him. It Is when his prophecy becomes vague
and general, that we know he has reached his own time
and Is dealing with the future.
All these apocalyptlsts have a similar point of view
and a mass of common material. This material seems
to have been traditional with them. They regarded It
as the key to the ages, and each one tried to fit it Into
the lock of his own times. This material was drawn
from two principal sources, unfulfilled Old Testament
prophecy, and the Babylonian Creation Epic. A good
example of the use made In apocalypse of unfulfilled
prophecy may be seen In Daniel, ch. 9, which Is based
on Jer. 25 : 12. The motif of the Babylonian Creation
Epic may be said to underlie most. If not all, apocalypse.
According to this epic the heavens and earth were
created by Marduk, the god of light, out of the dragon
of the primitive watery chaos, Tiamat. The result was
achieved only after Marduk had fought a fierce battle
with Tiamat and her host of horrible monsters, had
overcome her, and cut her up. To the apocalyptlsts
Tiamat was represented by the world power which hap-
252 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
pened to be oppressing the Jews in his day. Yahweh,
of course, took the place of Marduk. The fight be-
tween Marduk and TIamat represented to him the fierce
struggle in which Yahweh was going to destroy the ter-
rible oppressor of his people. Since the apocalyptists
had the book of Genesis before them, they could not
think that this Babylonian material referred to the cre-
ation of the present heavens and earth. If they gave
it any credence at all, they must consider it prophetic.
This they all did, and from thence came their view that
before the appearance of the new heavens and the new
earth a great struggle must ensue. The great dragon,
the world-power, whether Antiochus, or Rome or some
special emperor, must be overcome and destroyed. In
the light of the origin of this imagery the words of
Rev. 21 : I, " I saw a new heaven and a new earth . . .,
for the sea is no more," gain a new significance.
This Babylonian material expresses the general view
of all the apocalyptists. They hold that the world is
in the possession of an evil power. This power is tight-
ening its grip on all mundane things and its arrogance
is increasing. The world is becoming worse; the only
hope for it is in a divine cataclysmic intervention in
which the world power shall be broken, and her wicked
adherents destroyed. After this, the kingdom of God
can be established.
While there is general agreement upon this, there is
in the apocalypses a great variety of views upon details.
Some apocalyptists entertained a lively hope in the com-
THE HOPES OF THE APOCALYPTISTS 253
ing of a Messiah; others make no reference to a Mes-
siah at all. In the thought of the former the Messiah
was to be the agent In establishing the kingdom of God
on the earth; In that of the latter, God was to Intervene
directly. Some apocalyptlsts believed the kingdom of
God was to be established upon the earth; others be-
lieved It would be established In heaven. This last view
was, however, the later. The earlier apocalyptlsts ex-
pected a Messianic kingdom here below.
We can select for a somewhat closer examination the
points of view of but three apocalypses, two which
passed under the name of Enoch, and the Book of
Daniel.
Our oldest bit of apocalyptic literature Is the so-called
Ethlopic Enoch, 1-36. ^ This Is not all from one hand.
Chapters 6-1 1 are taken from a previously existing
apocalypse of Noah, and chapters 1-5 may be a later
addition. It may be said with some confidence, how-
ever, that chapters 6-36 were composed between 200
and 170 B. c.
The author of this work was deeply Impressed with
the wickedness of the world and sought to account for
It. He found Its explanation In the sections which he
Incorporated from the apocalypse of Noah. Accord-
ing to these chapters evil was Introduced Into the world
by those angels who came down from heaven and mar-
ried human wives. This supposed event Is alluded to
In the old myth recorded In Genesis 6 : 2-4, where the
1 See R. H. Charles, The Book of Enoch, 2d ed., 1912, p. i f.
254 ^^^ RELIGION OF ISRAEL
birth of the heroes of olden time Is explained. Our
apocalyptlsts have elaborated the brief statement.
They know the names of the archangels who led these
hosts. These names are appropriate to angels who
were once pure, but have fallen from their high estate.^
They know that these angels, when they came down to
earth, alighted upon Mount Hermon, and they know
just what phase of knowledge and of wickedness each
one of these fallen beings taught to mankind. Accord-
ing to the theory of these writers sin came into the
world, not through the serpent's temptation of Adam
and Eve in Eden, but through the agency of these fallen
angels. This point of view was shared by other apoca-
lyptlsts. These writers seem also to have shared the
somewhat pessimistic point of view of the old J docu-
ment, in that they consider wickedness and a knowledge
of the arts to be closely Intertwined.
In the later part of this work Enoch is represented
as beholding the punishments which these angels ar^
already suffering, and as having had revealed to him
their final rewards. These angels and their fate had a
great fascination for some other apocalyptlsts, and even
for the authors of Jude and II Peter in our New Testa-
ments.2 , i u
Another interesting feature of this writer s thought
iSee the writer's article. "The Origin of the Names of Angels and
Demons in the Extra-canonical Apocalyptic Literature to lOO A. d m
the Journal of Biblical Literature, XXXI, 156 f. and above, p. 190 ff.
2 See Jude 6 and II Pet. 2:4. Jude 14 quotes Enoch 1:9 as a genu-
ine work of the patriarch Enoch.
THE HOPES OF THE APOCALYPTISTS 255
Is that he believes In a resurrection at which the right-
eous are to receive their reward and the wicked are to
be punished. Until this judgment comes, the two
classes will, he thinks, be kept In Sheol, but his Sheol
Is not that of the Old Testament. It Is divided, not
Into two parts, like the under-world In Vergil's Aeneld,
but Into four, — one for the very good, one for the
very bad, a third for the partially good, and a fourth
for the partially bad. Here the first two classes men-
tioned enter by way of anticipation, upon their future
bliss or woe.^
As to the kingdom of God, these writers believed that
it was to be established upon the earth after the re-
moval of the wicked (Enoch 10: 17-22). God him-
self will at that time establish his throne upon the earth
(Enoch 25:3). Neither the writer of the apoca-
lypse of Noah, nor the one who embodied his work
in the book of Enoch speaks in any way of a Mes-
siah.
A few years after the composition of Enoch 1-36
our canonical Book of Daniel came into existence. The
unanimous opinion of modern scholars is that it was
written between 168 and 165 B. c, during the fierce
struggles precipitated by the attempt of Antlochus
Epiphanes to blot out the Jewish religion. In the opin-
ion of the present writer, it consists of a series of tracts
for the times written by at least three different men,
though they all lived and wrote during the three years
1 See Book of Enoch, ch. 22.
256 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
mentioned.^ They all professed to relate visions which
had been granted to Daniel, an old patriarch whom
Ezekiel classes with Noah and Job.^ Toward the end
of this period of three years some editor collected these
tracts into one little book.
The book thus constituted contains seven little apoca-
lyptic stories and apocalypses, and two encouraging
narratives. The narratives are in chapters 3 and 6,
the story of the fiery furnace and of Daniel in the lions'
den. The apocalypses are in chapters 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9,
and 10: 1-12: 4, respectively. Five of the apocalypses
trace the history from Nebuchadnezzar to Antiochus
Epiphanes under various figures, and then predict the
coming of the kingdom of God; two of them (chapters
4 and 5) are content to predict the punishment of the
persecutor.
Out of the utterances of these tracts two things of
importance emerge. One is the phrase in ch. 7:13
" like unto a son of man." This phrase is significant
since the term " Son of man " afterward became the
title by which Jesus called himself. It should be noted,
however, that, as used in Daniel, the term is not a per-
sonal or Messianic title. It is used simply to charac-
terize the kingdom that God is about to establish. The
four preceding empires have been brutal and ruthless.
1 See the writer's article, " The Composition of the Book of Daniel,"
in the Journal of Biblical Literature, XVII, 62-86. V^ildeboer was con-
vinced of the correctness of this view ; see his De Letterkunde des ouden
Verbonds, 1903, p. 4^5 f-
2 See Eze. 14: 14.
THE HOPES OF THE APOCALYPTISTS 257
They are fittingly characterized by beasts — the Hon,
bear, leopard, and the beast indescribable. God's king-
dom is to be in comparison intelligent and humane. It
is characterized by a " son of man " or a human being.
That is all the term means here, but it thus came into
human speech and was destined to high service in the
future.
The other important utterance is the definite expres-
sion in ch. 12: 2—4 of a faith in a resurrection and a
judgment day, followed by everlasting rewards and
punishments. Such a faith this writer ardently held.
Not yet was it the happy possession of all; Sadducees
doubted it in the time of Christ. It must, nevertheless,
have been the faith of a growing multitude. That
which Job had hoped for, these men held to be certain.
A third apocalyptic work of importance to us is the
Enoch Parables, which now comprise chapters 37-71
of the Book of Enoch. This work, which consists of
three parables, was not all written at one sitting, or
even by one hand,^ but its final editor has nevertheless
given it a certain unity and made it to express a toler-
ably consistent point of view. Its writer, like the com-
piler of Enoch 1-36, was interested in the punishment
of the fallen angels, but he lived at least a hundred
years ^ after that writer and his whole outlook was dif-
ferent. In his time the Asmonaean kings and Saddu-
1 See R. H. Charles, Book of Enoch, p. 64 f.
2 Charles holds that Enoch 37-71 was written after 94 and before
64 B. c, and probably before 79 B. c. After Alexander Jannaeus the
Pharisees were not oppressed.
2^8 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
cees were oppressing the Pharisees, and his sympathies
were with the Pharisees. The deliverance which God was
to work for his saints was from these ungodly princes.^
Passing by all minor matters, however, we direct our
attention to this writer's great contribution to religious
thought. This consists of his transformation of Is-
rael's Messianic expectations. He first of all of whom
we know held that the Messiah was to be a being that
had enjoyed pre-existence with God in heaven, and he
also was the first to use the term " Son of Man " as a
Messianic title. His conceptions of the Messiah are
clearly expressed in two or three different places. In
ch. 46 he says:
And there I saw one who had a head of days,
And his head was Hke wool,
And with him was another being whose countenance had the
appearance of a man,
And his face was full of graciousness, like one of the holy
angels.
And I asked the angel who went with me and showed me all
the hidden things, concerning that Son of Man, who he
was, and whence he was, and why he went with the
Head of Days?
And he answered and said unto me:
This is the Son of Man who hath righteousness.
With whom dwelleth righteousness.
And who revealeth all the treasures of that which is hidden,
Because the Lord of Spirits hath chosen him.
And whose lot hath the pre-eminence before the Lord of
Spirits for uprightness for ever.
1 See Enoch 62: 10-13.
THE HOPES OF THE APOCALYPTISTS 259
The passage goes on to describe the Messianic role
that this Son of Man is destined to undertake. Again
in chapter 48 : 2 f . is the following statement :
And at that hour that Son of Man was named
In the presence of the Lord of Spirits,
And his name before the Head of Days.
Yea, before the sun and signs were created,
Before the stars of the heaven were made,
His name was named before the Lord of Spirits.
He shall be the staff of the righteous whereon to stay them-
selves and not fall,
And he shall be the light of the Gentiles,
And the hope of those who are troubled of heart.
All who dwell on the earth shall fall down and worship be-
fore him,
And win praise and bless and celebrate with song the Lord
of Spirits.
It was thus that the expectation of a warrior king,
which Isaiah had centuries before conceived as the
Messiah/ was transformed under the pressure of the
eschatological expectations, and men began to look for
a heavenly pre-existent being, capable of taking more
than a human part in the cataclysmic upheaval for which
they were looking.
It is probable that this collection of Enoch parables,
which were clearly written by a Pharisee, circulated
1 Sec above, p. 105.
26o THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
widely among the adherents of that sect. The sympa-
thies of Joseph and Mary and of the circle at Nazareth
in which Jesus grew up were with the Pharisees, and
this book may have been among those from which
Christ read as a boy.
At all events he took this term " Son of Man " as his
self-designation, and measured the depths of his own
consciousness of God against the background of such
Messianic expectations as these and claimed in some
sense to be the Messiah.^ It was at this point in the
development of the conception of the Messiah that he
brought in his view of the Kingdom of God and the
function of the Messiah, and the Jewish Church gave
birth to the Christian Church. Jesus as the Christ for
ever illumined the religious message of Israel by adding
to it the Christian message for which Israel had pre-
pared the way.
It was thus that apocalypse, though it took in one
sense a false view of God's relation to the world, per-
formed a most useful function. It sustained men with
the hope that God would soon effectually intervene on
behalf of his saints, when their hearts would have failed
them could they have seen the whole future, and it fur-
nished the calyx that was to preserve the older concep-
tion of the kingdom of God and of a Messiah until one
should come who could ripen both ideas, and make them
blossom into a beauty of which neither prophet nor
apocalyptist ever dreamed. Even then the apocalyp-
1 See the writer's Heart of the Christian Message, N. Y., 1912, p. 8 f.
THE HOPES OF THE APOCALYPTISTS 26 1
tist's conception died hard. The apostles did not un-
derstand their Master's more spiritual view, and con-
fidently expected Jesus to return on the clouds of
heaven.i As he did not come mockers began to trouble
the church with reference to it by the middle of the
second century,^ but even though centuries passed away
and he did not come, many have still not lost faith, but
believe that it is yet to be. Other generations, they
think, have misunderstood the time. It is only modern
science and modern criticism that is revealing to us the
temporary character of the apocalyptic view of the
world. Like many other philosophies it was but a pass-
ing phase of thought, but, Hke them, it rendered a real
service in its time. It was one of the most important
links in that chain of providential events by which the
world received its most precious religious inheritance.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
1. The Transition from Prophecy to Apocalyptic; cf. R. H.
Charles, Religious Development between the Old and New Tes-
taments, New York, chapter i (in the Home University Li-
brary).
2. The Kingdom of God in Apocalyptic; cf. R. H. Charles,
op. cit. chapter, 2.
3. The Apocalyptic Conception of the Messiah; cf. R. H.
Charles, op. cit. chapter 3.
4. The Apocalyptic Conception of the Future Life; cf. R. H.
Charles, op. cit., chapter 4.
1 See Mark 14: 62. Compare also the Heart of the Christian Message,
pp. 2-5.
2 See II Peter 3 : 3, 4-
262 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
5. The Jewish View of the Pre-existence of the Messiah; cf.
G. Dalman, The Words of Jesus, Edinburgh, 1902, pp. 299-
303, and G. A. Barton in '* On the Jewish-Christian Doctrine
of the Pre-existence of the Messiah," the Journal of Biblical Lit-
erature, Vol. XXI, pp. 78-91.
CHAPTER XVI
THE JEWISH DISPERSION
Meaning of Dispersion — Its Beginnings — The "Captivity" in Bab-
ylonia— Its Nature and Influence — Jewish Colonies in Egypt —
The Colony at Elephantine — Its Temple and Religious Life —
Later Temple at Leontopolis — Dispersion in Persia and Else-
where— Foreign Influences and the Essenes — Dispersion in the
Hellenic World — The Septuagint — Jewish Propaganda — The
Sibylline Oracles — Jewish Drama — Allegorical Method — Greek
Philosophy and Wisdom of Solomon — Philo — His System — The
Logos or Word — Hellenistic Judaism gave its Treasures to Christi-
anity— Judaism reverted to Talmudic Type.
The dispersion (Greek Diaspora) Is the name given
by the Jews themselves to the Jev^Ish communities out-
side of Palestine.^ For several centuries during the
time that Judaism was developing some of Its most dis-
tinguishing characteristics, large numbers of Jews lived
in widely separated places In contact with non-Jewish
peoples. This condition exposed them to Influences
widely different from those that were felt in Palestine.
The Influences that affected the dispersion were not
homogeneous, so that although contact with foreigners
tended to broaden the Jewish point of view, the scat-
tered Jews presented widely different forms of thought.
It Is uncertain when the dispersion began. It would
seem from II Kings 20: 34 that a Hebrew colony was
established In Damascus In the reign of Ahab. Perhaps
1 See II Mace. 1:27; John 7:35; James 1:1; I Pet. 1:1.
263
264 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
David and Solomon had, through their friendly rela-
tions with Phoenicia, established similar colonies there.
Tlglath-plleser IV (745-72? b. c.) carried many Israel-
ites captive to Assyria (II Kings 15: 29), and Sargon
In 722 B. c. transported 27,290 ^ people from Samaria
and settled them in Mesopotamia and Media (II Kings
17: 6).2 All this was, however, before the Deuteron-
omlc reform, and it is not certain that Hebrews who
were removed from their kindred at this time ever
identified themselves with the type of religion that pre-
vailed after the reign of king Joslah. It is probable
that such communities, though they maintained their
identity for a time, were ultimately absorbed by the
peoples among whom they dwelt.
The real dispersion began when in 597 and 586 Neb-
uchadnezzar transported to Babylonia the most pros-
perous and Influential of the Judean population (II
Kings 24: 12-16; 25: 11; Jer. 52: 15).
Perhaps as many as 50,000 people were transferred
to Babylonia, and Jewish communities were formed at
various points in that country. One was at Tell-abid;
of this Ezeklel was a member (Ezeklel 3- ^S); an-
other was at Casiphla (Ezra 8: 17). In these Bab-
ylonian colonies the Jewish religion was not only mam-
talned, but enthusiastically adhered to and developed.
There Ezeklel uttered his prophecies, and proposed his
1 Sargon so states; see G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, 2nd
ed., Philadelphia, 1917, p. 370-
2 Ibid., pp. 450-452.
THE JEWISH DISPERSION 265
reform of the priesthood and the ritual; legislators like
Ezra developed Ezeklel's thought and elaborated the
priestly laws. Babylonia was much better suited to
business than Jerusalem. The Jews resident In Bab-
ylonia represented the most forceful and enterprising
elements of the nation. It was because they had pos-
sessed these qualities that Nebuchadnezzar had trans-
ported them; their Initiative had made him afraid to
leave them behind. It Is not strange, therefore, that
they became rich. More loyal, probably, to the na-
tional religion than the peasantry that remained in Pal-
estine, the " Captivity " of Babylon exerted an enor-
mous influence on the reorganization of the Jewish com-
munity in the post-exilic time. Babylonian business
documents bear witness to the participation of large
numbers of Jews in business, and the Bible bears wit-
ness to their liberality in aiding their poorer brethren
at home (Zech. 6:10, 11). In things temporal as
well as in religious Ideals the Babylonian Jews made
large contributions to the life of their kindred in Pal-
estine. In reality Babylonia became the great centre
of Jewish Pharisaism and for fifteen centuries exerted
an Influence on the Judaism of the world of an extraor-
dinary character. Not only Ezra, but HlUel was a gift
of Babylonian Judaism, and Hlllel was one of the ear-
liest exponents of that oral law that ultimately crystal-
lized into the Mlshna and Talmud. The Talmud in its
most widely used form was compiled in Babylonia, and
the decisions of the Babylonian Geonlm were widely
266 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
accepted In Europe even after the Talmudic period had
passed. Indeed It was not until the overrunning of
Babylonia by the Seljuk Turks drove the Babylonian
scholars to Egypt and Spain that Jewish learning as-
sumed In those countries Its really brilliant phase. The
influence of the Babylonian group Is profoundly felt In
Judaism even to the present time.
Other colonies of Jews were established In Egypt.
In B. c. 608 Necho took Jehoahaz and probably others
to Egypt (II Kings 23:34). According to Jeremiah
44: I colonies of Jews were living at Memphis, MIgdol,
Tahpanhes, and Pathros In Egypt. When some of
these colonists went thither we have no means of
knowing except that one group of Jews fled thither In
586 B. c. (II Kings 25 : 26) . This was the colony that
settled at Tahpanhes (Jer. 43:7). Of greater Inter-
est than any of these Is a colony of Jews that settled
at some time on the Island of Elephantine In the first
cataract of the Nile.
The Importance of this colony Is due to the fact that
papyri, found In recent years on the Island where they
lived, reveal many details of their life. In these docu-
ments, written between 497 and 400 B. c.^ we see He-
brews In the fifth century before Christ buying, selling,
marrying and giving In marriage. The documents af-
ford us unexpected Insight Into their religion. Strange
to say there was a Jewish temple at Elephantine; It had
been built before Cambyses conquered Egypt In 525
B. c; In 411 B. c. an enemy of the Jews had destroyed
THE JEWISH DISPERSION 267
it, and in 408 B. c. they appealed to have it rebuilt, —
a request which was granted.^
It has been conjectured that this colony, connected as
it was with a fortress, was placed at this point by
Psamettik II, king of Egypt 593-588 B. c, as an out-
post against the Nubians.^ While this theory cannot
be confirmed it seems quite probable. The temple at
Elephantine appears to have been built after the adop-
tion of the Deuteronomic law in the year 621 b. c, for
in the enumeration of its various parts there is no men-
tion of the " pillars " so often denounced in Deuteron-
omy. As this law provides that there should be but
one sanctuary, it has been plausibly conjectured that the
temple at Elephantine was constructed after the de-
struction of the temple at Jerusalem in 586 B. c.^ In
this temple in the land of Egypt Yahweh was worshipped
under the name Yahu or Yaho. The members of this
Egyptian colony were loyal to their religion and to
their race as many passages in the papyri prove. In
some respects they modified by private agreement the
provisions of the Deuteronomic law. For example, ac-
cording to Deut. 24: I if. a Jewish husband may divorce
a wife, but no law provides that a wife may divorce
a husband. Nevertheless a marriage contract from
the colony at Elephantine provides that the bride,
1 See Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Philadelphia, 1917, Pt. II,
ch. xix.
2 See Herodotus, II, 161.
3 Cf. H. Anneler, Zur Geschichte der Juden von Elephantine, Bern,
1912, p. 104 flF.
268 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
Miphtahyah may stand up In the congregation and say
" I divorce Ashor, my husband." ^ Of course Ashor
is given the right to treat his wife In the same way,
but the significant thing Is that the woman exacted by
agreement, what the law did not allow her. Another
letter dated In the year 419 B. c. Is thought to Inform
us of the way the Jews at Elephantine received Infor-
mation as to the provisions of the priestly code concern-
ing the manner of observing the Passover. It has also
been thought that the documents reveal an Increasing
dislike of the Jews on the part of the Egyptians In
consequence of the new excluslveness which the priestly
laws Imposed upon them. Be this as It may, the Ele-
phantine section of the dispersion appears to have been
composed of earnest Jews, eager In most things to ob-
serve the laws of their religion. If the founders of the
temple at Elephantine had no thought of violating the
law of Deuteronomy, having erected their temple when
that at Jerusalem was In ruins, their descendants clung
passionately to the possession of their place of worship
after the one at Jerusalem had been rebuilt. This was
most natural. Long associations aided them In regard-
ing the spot as sacred to Yahweh, and such associations
are not easily set aside. Then, too, they might natu-
rally reason that. If the erection of their temple was ever
right, changes of conditions at Jerusalem could not make
It wrong. At all events they persisted In maintaining It.
1 See Sayce and Cowley, Aramaic Papyri discovered at Assuan, Lon-
don, 1906, p. 43.
THE JEWISH DISPERSION 269
While speaking of this colony it is most appropriate
to describe a later Jewish migration to Egypt which
produced another temple. When Jonathan the Macca-
bee was made high priest in 153 B. c, Onias, the son
of Onias III, the deposed high priest, having fled to
Egypt, obtained a grant of land at Leontopolis, as the
ancient city of Bubastis was then called, and erected a
temple to Yahweh there, which was modelled on the
temple at Jerusalem.^ Ptolemy VII, anxious to cement
the loyalty of the Jews resident in Egypt, gave Onias
the revenues of a considerable territory to support the
temple. Excavation has within a few years brought
this temple to light, confirming the statements of Jose-
phus at many points. ^ This temple at Leontopolis con-
tinued to exist until after the destruction by Titus of the
temple at Jerusalem in the year 70 A. D. The move-
ment headed by Onias was a schism due to personal am-
bition. Both he and the Jews who worshipped with
him in Egypt reverenced the whole Pentateuch as
coming from Moses, but, as the Maccabees were not of
the direct line of Zadok, Onias and his supporters ap-
parently felt justified in regarding the Jewish temple as
administered by them as a schismatic organization.
This temple and the one at Elephantine show what va-
garies were possible even among orthodox Jews of the
dispersion.
^ See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jenvs, XIII, iii, and Wars of the
Jeivs, VII, X.
2 Cf. G. A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, Philadelphia, 1917,
p. 38 flf.
270 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
The book of Tobit furnishes us with evidence as to
the religious attitude of the dispersion in Media. As
has been pointed out ah-eady ^ the Jews, as represented
by this book, appear to be eager to observe the Jewish
law, but were nevertheless influenced, perhaps uncon-
sciously, by the Persian customs and religious ideas of
those with whom they daily associated.
By the Apostolic age the dispersion included Parthia,
Media, Elam, Babylonia, Pontus, Cappadocia, Asia,
Phrygia, Pamphyha, Egypt, Cyrene, Rome, Crete, and
Arabia (Acts 2:8-11).
Such foreign influences as those which appear in the
book of Tobit appear to have found their way to Pal-
estine and to have aided in calling into existence about
the Maccabaean period the order of the E^ssenes.
While it is impossible to account for all the peculiarities
of this sect on the theory of Persian influence, the fact
that they prayed with their faces toward the sun, and
that they alone of Jews, or, for that matter, of Semites,
abstained from marriage and apparently regarded mat-
ter as corrupt, indicate that, among the foreign influ-
ences that produced the Essenes, Persian ideas were not
lacking. According to Josephus Essenes existed in the
time of Jonathan the Maccabee,^ and there were In the
time of Christ about 4000 of them.^ They were celi-
bates, lived in communities, engaged in agriculture, ab-
1 Above, p. 253.
^Antiquities of the Jeavs, XIII, v, 9. ^
3 Antiquities of the Jews, XVIII, i, 5, and Wars of the Jews, II, via,
2. Philo also twice describes them, confirming Josephus.
THE JEWISH DISPERSION 271
jured trade, demanded a novitiate of three years before
admission to their order, denied themselves pleasure,
kept themselves pure and upright, and were especially
helpful to one another. Their purity was both cere-
monial and moral; they were most careful about ablu-
tions and kept their hands clean of theft and unlawful
gain. They loved truth and denounced liars.
The Essenes were In reality an order of monks, —
the first order of the kind known to the Mediterranean
world. That such an order should have been started
among the practical, family-loving Jews seems inexplic-
able apart from foreign Influences. No such order is
native to Persia, and It has been plausibly conjectured
that Buddhistic influence is responsible for the form of
the organization. Possibly It is one of the results of
the missionary propaganda of Asoka, the Buddhistic
Constantine of India, who sent Missionaries to several
Hellenistic capitals about 260 B. c.^ While the Es-
senes held the body to be corrupt, they held to the im-
mortality of the soul. When released from the body
the soul was supposed to dwell beyond the ocean In a
land unvexed by rain, snow, or oppressive heat. Their
ideas of the soul and of immortality have been thought
to be borrowed from the Pythagoraeans.
Although the Essenes lived in Palestine, there Is no
better example than they of the diverse Influences to
which the dispersion was subjected.
^ See G. A. Barton, The Religions of the World, Chicago, 1917, chap-
ter ix, p. 160, and note 3.
272 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
The portion of the dispersion which is best known,
and of which most people think when they hear the
word, consisted of the Jews resident in the many cities
of the successors of Alexander the Great. According
to Josephus Jews followed Alexander to Egypt and
were given a quarter of the city of Alexandria.^ This
part of the city was called the Delta and was in the
neighbourhood of the royal palace. Josephus claims
that they were given the right to call themselves Mace-
donians, i.e., they were made citizens. Under the Ptol-
emies other Jews went to Egypt, some being taken there
forcibly, others attracted by inducements.^ As time
passed the numbers increased. In the reign of Caligula
(38-41 A. D.) Philo estimated the number of Jews in
Egypt at a million. Josephus also states that Seleucus I
of Syria made Jews citizens in the cities which he
founded in Asia and Syria, including Antioch itself.^*^
Some have doubted his statements, but the Jews were
certainly present in the regions mentioned long before
the Christian era in large numbers, — a fact that seems
to make the statement probable.
The Jews residents in the Hellenistic cities were com-
pelled to acquire Greek for the transaction of their
business, and in a generation or two largely forgot their
Hebrew. So many of them were resident in Egypt
that they soon conceived the idea of translating their
1 Contra Apion, II, 4, and Wars of the Jeics, II, xviii, 7, 8.
2 Antiquities of the Jeivs, XII, i, i ; ii, i ff.
3 Antiquities of the Jeivs, XII, iii, i.
THE JEWISH DISPERSION 273
Scriptures Into the Greek tongue. Legend connects this
enterprise with the name of Ptolemy II (Philadelphus) ,
283-247 B. C. Whether the king had anything to do
with the enterprise or not, scholars agree that the Pen-
tateuch was translated into Greek in the third century
before Christ, and that the translation of the other
Biblical books in time followed.
This opening of the treasures of the Jewish religion
to the Hellenistic world was a great event. Perhaps
the motive that lay behind It was not altogether a self-
ish one; it Is possible that already the Ideal set forth
by the Second Isaiah and voiced by the book of Jonah,
(the Ideal of winning the world to Judasim) was In
the minds of those who promoted the translation. At
any rate this Ideal found expression a little later in
many forms of activity.
One ancient form of oracle among the Greeks was
found In the supposed sayings of the Sibyl. These were
treasured, and frequently consulted. They were
widely Influential outside of Greece. Rome Introduced
them centuries before Christ, and accorded them a high
place. In the second century B. c. the Jews began to
put their history Into the mouth of the Sibyl in hexam-
eter verse. 1 She was made to call herself a daughter
of Noah, saying that she had come from Babylon and
that the Greeks had given her a false name. She Is
then made to recount the fortunes of Israel, the glories
of Solomon, and the various events of the national his-
^ Sibylline Oracles, Bk. Ill, lines 114-829.
274 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
tory down to about 140 b. c. The Jews are represented
as God's people, to whom the Messiah is promised, and
all others are threatened with destruction unless they
join the Jews by becoming proselytes and worship God.
Since everything attributed to the Sibyl was widely read
and pondered, these Jewish oracles exerted a profound
influence.
Another instrument that was employed for the con-
version of the Gentile world to Judaism was the drama.
We learn from Clement of Alexandria ^ and Eusebius
that a Jewish tragedian named Ezekiel wrote a play
called "The Exodus" in which he dramatized that
great event in Biblical history. Eusebius quotes a num-
ber of extracts from the play. These include a solilo-
quy of Moses after the murder of the Egyptian as de-
scribed in Exodus 2, the meeting of Moses with the
seven daughters of Jethro, and his marriage to Zip-
porah. Then follows the narration by Moses of a
dream which his father-in-law interpreted to mean that
Moses would one day be exalted to high station and
would understand things both past and to come. An-
other extract represents God as speaking unseen from
the burning bush; in another God gives directions con-
cerning the exodus and the passover. In a later scene
an Egyptian messenger enters and recounts the disaster
at the Red Sea, while the last excerpt contains the
1 Stromata, I, 23, i55; Pmeparaiio Evangelica, IX, 28, 29; cf. Schurer,
Geschichte des judischen Volkes in zeitaUer Jesii ChnsH, 4te Aut., Leip-
sig, 1909, III, 500 ff.
THE JEWISH DISPERSION 275
speech of a messenger who had been with Moses in
advance of the host, and who tells how Moses had
found a good camping-place at Elim, where were twelve
springs and seventy palm trees. The whole is based
on Biblical material. The poetry, however, is laboured
and dull. This Ezekiel must have had predecessors
and successors in his art, though their works have not
survived.
Such plays, like the Sibylline oracles, were intended
to familiarize the Gentile world with the facts of Jewish
history and with the reality of God's choice of the Jew-
ish people. A part of the design was to make the Gen-
tiles desire to throw in their lot with Israel, that they
might gain a share in her religious privileges. It was
a part of that movement that Jesus characterized as
compassing '' sea and land to make one proselyte "
(Matt. 23: 15). The movement had, for a time, con-
siderable success, but the necessity of circumcision and
of keeping the Jewish law was a handicap which Chris-
tianity and the cults that flourished in the early days of
the Roman empire did not have, so that Judaism ulti-
mately fell behind in the competition.
While the Judaism of the dispersion was earnestly
trying to win the Gentile world, she was herself pro-
foundly influenced by that world. This Influence, which
must have been felt in ways which we cannot now de-
tect, was especially noticeable upon Jewish exegesis and
Jewish thought. Before the beginning of the Christian
era Hellenistic students of Homer had Invented the al-
276 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
legorlcal method of interpretation in order to maintain
their interest in the ancient writings. To men who val-
ued philosophical and ethical ideas it seemed impossi-
ble that venerable Homer should sing of how Agamem-
non and Achilles slugged each other. Such exploits
of physical strength were unworthy the lyre of the im-
mortal poet. There must be, they felt, some deeper
meaning; so they claimed that the physical encounters
were mere allegory; that the poet really sang of the
contest of truth with falsehood, of light with darkness,
of virtue with vice. Such a method enabled a reader
to find his own best thoughts in any narrative. Into
any old story, however crass, he could read any lofty
philosophy which pleased him. It was a method that
enabled every generation to bring up to date all the
literature of the past without the trouble of rewriting it,
and it became immensely popular.
The Apostle Paul, himself a product of the disper-
sion, had imbibed the allegorical method and, in order
to read Christian meanings into the Old Testament
stories he employs it more than once (see Gal. 4:21-
3 1 ; I Cor. 10 : 1-4) . Through Paul the method passed
into use in the Christian Church, where it has persisted
until our own time. By this method the whole sacri-
ficial theology of evangelical Christianity is found by
some in the book of Leviticus. This time-honoured
method of interpretation with all its vagaries Christian-
ity inherited from the dispersion.
More definite, though perhaps not more far-reach-
THE JEWISH DISPERSION 277
ing in its results, was the influence of Greek philosophy
upon certain Hebrew minds. The ground for this
influence was prepared by the " wisdom literature " of
the Hebrew sages which has been already treated.^
Indeed the Wisdom of Solomon, the last of the books
included in that treatment, is the earliest work in which
the influence of Greek philosophic thought can be clearly
discerned. It is conceded that the author of Wisdom
was a Jew resident in Egypt, and it is probable that he
wrote in the first century before Christ. He is a true
Jew and a worthy successor of the earlier sages, but
contact with the Greeks had enabled him to view the
world as an ordered cosmos beautifully and logically
arranged. This view he had imbibed from the Platon-
ists or the Stoics or both. He had also accepted the
Platonic doctrine of the pre-existence of the soul (Wis-
dom 8 : 19, 20) . He had not, however, been influenced
by the Stoic doctrine that the Logos or Reason had given
the universe its beautiful order. In his system the di-
vine agent in the creation was Wisdom, as in the older
book of Proverbs. That God manifested himself
through an intermediate agency, he, with the Stoics, be-
lieved; but that agency was still Wisdom. This func-
tion of Wisdom he does not explain; he takes it for
granted.
In the works of Philo, an Alexandrian Jew who died
about 40 A. D., the philosophical influences of Hellen-
ism found their noblest Jewish exponent. Philo, al-
1 In chapter xiii.
278 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
though he was more profoundly Influenced by philoso-
phy than the author of Wisdom, was In outward form
not so independent. The author of Wisdom had, like
the older sages, written his thoughts in a way to make
Wisdom speak her own message; Philo grounds his
teaching on the Pentateuch, and, by means of allegorical
interpretation, reads into the text of Scripture the doc-
trines he would teach.
The Influence of Greek Philosophy produced a note-
worthy effect upon Philo's conception of God. Among
Palestinian Jews, and probably among the great major-
ity o'f Jews everywhere, it was customary to think of God
as a magnified man. This conception underwent a
searching examination at the hands of Philo; it was dis-
carded and replaced by one more in accord with philo-
sophic thought. While he recognized that there is a
certain analogy between God and man, Philo regarded
God as so unlike man that our language is inadequate
to describe him. He held to God's personality, but held
that his essence Is unknown. One result of the inscru-
table character of God is his namelessness. This Philo
Inferred from Exodus 3:14: " I am that I am."
Moses had asked for God's name; God replied, says
Philo, merely with a statement that he is the self-exist-
ent One. Philo held that God is without qualities, that
he is external, incorruptible, that he is a unity, that he Is
light, that he is omnipresent, omniscient, and omnipo-
tent, that he Is perfection, that he is free from passion
and sin, that he is himself rest and peace. Philo rec-
THE JEWISH DISPERSION
279
ognized that the world is full of toil and pain, but he
found, like Plato, an evidence in this of God's goodness.
God had not begrudged to imperfect matter something
of his own nature, and the struggle after this was the
cause of earth's agony. But even this the providence
of God guides. About God, and above the angels in
whom Philo implicitly believed, he recognized the ex-
istence of numerous divine powers. These powers cor-
respond in Philo's system to Plato's archetypal ideas.
They are such things as piety, holiness, natural philos-
ophy, meteorology, ethics, polity, economy, regal, legis-
lative, and innumerable other powers. These powers
were not conceived to be descended one from another
as in later Gnostic systems, but were all regarded as
equally related to God.
First and greatest of all these powers was the Logos.
In his idea of the Logos Philo betrays Stoic influence as
the author of the Wisdom of Solomon had not. He
says : '' The Logos of God also is above all the cosmos,
the oldest and most generic of the things that have
come into being." ^ In another place he states " God
is the most generic thing, and the Logos is second."
The Logos was said to be the all-beautiful pattern of
the human mind, and to be better than beauty itself:
it is equated with the moral law; it is declared to be
the bond of the universe. Philo found in man a two-
fold reason, the inward and the uttered. He declares
several times that the divine Logos is two-fold, but does
1 James Drummond, Pliilo Judaeus, London, 1888, Vol. II, p. i6o.
28o THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
not clearly define wherein Its duality consists. The Lo-
gos Is declared to be God's reason, God's son, God's
image, to be eternal; it mediates between God and
creation; it constitutes the ground that the propitious
God will never overlook his own work.^ Philo at least
once calls the Father the first God, and speaks of the
second God, the Logos.^ Sometimes Philo seems to
identify Logos and Wisdom; sometimes, to distinguish
one from the other. Opinions differ as to why he did
this, but on the whole he appears to have employed
Wisdom where the divine activity was brought into
personal relations with men.^ The Logos in his view
was personal and appeared to Hagar, to Jacob, and to
Moses.
Like the philosopher that he was Philo believed sin
to be ignorance and error. It sprang from the body
and its passions. It was to be put away by following
the dictates of the divine Reason; and these dictates
Philo probably found in the Scriptures. Thus he
grafted philosophy on to the ceremonial of Judaism,
and Interpreted Its ceremonial in the light of Platonic
and Stoic thought.
While Philo, In consequence of his writings, is the
best example of the influence of Hellenism upon Juda-
ism, there is evidence that he was not the only Jew
that experienced this influence. St. Paul came of the
1 Drummond, Ibid., 191.
2 Drummond, Ibid., 197.
3 Drummond, Ibid., 212.
THE JEWISH DISPERSION 28 1
dispersion. In the course of his career contact with
the Greeks led him to place emphasis upon the Wisdom
of Israel's sages. Wisdom had been personified so as
to become almost a part of God; ^ Paul declared Christ
to be the Wisdom of God (i Cor. 1:30). Later In
his career, when called upon to combat the Ideas of the
Gnostics, Paul assigns to Christ much the same func-
tions as Phllo had assigned to the Logos. He Is the
Image of God; the agency by which the worlds were
made; the vitalizing energy which holds the universe
together (Col. 1:15-17). At the end of the first
Christian century the author of the Fourth Gospel took
up and elaborated the Pauline Idea, and he also adopted
Phllo's terminology. " In the beginning was the Logos
and the Logos was with God and the Logos was divine.
All things were made by him" (John i : i, 2). It was
thus that the best fruits of the marriage of Greek phi-
losophy with the Jewish faith passed Into Christianity.
Through Paul and the Fourth Gospel they shaped the
Christian conception of Christ and of God.
Probably It was because of the adoption of this point
of view by Christians that Hellenism left no permanent
mark upon Judaism. The dispersion had all along held
firmly to the forms of their ancestral faith. Whatever
variations local influences, whether Egyptian, Persian,
or Hellenistic had produced In their theories, syna-
gogues were established wherever any number of Jews
resided, and the law was read and expounded. As close
1 Prov. 8: 29-31.
282 THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL
a connection as possible was maintained with Jerusalem.
Many went each year to the great festivals (Acts 2 :
8— 11), and probably many others besides Saul of Tar-
sus were sent from the various cities of the dispersion
to be educated in Jerusalem. It was this that through-
out the centuries kept the Jews loyal to their law, the
unifying instrument of the Jewish faith. When, there-
fore, Christianity broke away from the synagogue and
became a hated rival of Judaism there was a natural
reaction from all that which Christianity had appropri-
ated. The Septuagint had become the Christian Bible,
so the Versions of Aquila and Theodotion were called
into existence for the use of Greek-speaking Jews. The
philosophic conceptions of Hellenistic Judaism had been
appropriated by Christianity; there was accordingly a
reaction toward the oral law, and in the centuries that
followed the Talmud shaped Judaism. Babylonia, not
Alexandria, was mistress of the future of Jewry.^
Nevertheless the fruits of Hellenism were not lost;
they were simply poured into the Christian treasury.
As the prophets and the apocalyptists had prepared the
way for the Christ, so Hellenistic Judaism prepared the
way for that understanding of his person that has made
Christianity what it is.
TOPICS FOR FURTHER STUDY
I. The Babylonian Captivity and its Influence; cf. ** Captiv-
ity," in Hastings Dictionary of the Bible and in the Jewish En-
1 Cf. G. A. Barton, The Religions of the World, Chicago, 1917, ch. v.
THE JEWISH DISPERSION 283
cyclopedia^ Vol. Ill ; also G. A. Barton, Religions of the World,
Chicago, 1916, chapter v, ^^ 93, 97-101.
2. The Jewish Colony at Elephantine; cf. S. A. Cook, ** The
Significance of the Elephantine Papyri for the History of the
Hebrew Religion," in the American Journal of Theology, XIX
(July, 1915), pp. 346-382.
3. The Essenes; cf. " Essenes," in Hastings' Dictionary of the
Bible, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Encyclopaedia
Biblica, and the Jewish Encyclopedia.
4. The Jewish Propaganda; cf. O. Thatcher, The Apostolic
Church, Boston, 1893, chapter 2.
5. Philo and his Thought; cf. James Drummond, Philo Ju-
daeus or the Jewish Alexandrian Philosophy, London, 1888,
Vol. II, or " Philo " in the Jewish Encyclopedia.
INDEX
Aaron, 58
Abraham, 35 ff., 76; in a Baby-
lonian document, 37 f.
Addis, W. E., 73, 140
Ahab, 87, 91
Ahikar, story of, 245
Alexander, the Great, 145
Allegorical interpretation, 273 ff.
Amos, 65, 94, 97 f.
Angel of Yahweh, 173 ff.
Angels, functions of, 182; in
apocryphal literature, 187 ff.
Animal sacrifice, 10, 80
Anneler, H., 267
Antiochus Epiphanes, 148 ff.
Apocalypse, nature of, 248
Apocalypses, pseudepigraphs, 249 ;
sources of, 251 ff.; their philos-
ophy of the world, 252
Arabia, 3; influence of on Semi-
tic religion, 4 f.
Archangels, 182 f., i88
Ark of Yahweh, 69 f.
Arnold, W. R., 136
Ashera, a goddess, 53
Ashera, a post, 61
Asheras, 8, 117
Asher, tribe of, 33 f., 45
Ashtart, 6
Asmodaeus, 193
Asmonaean kings, 151, 257
Atonement, day of, 171 f.
Azazel, 171, 186
Baal, 78 f.
Bade, W. F., 93
Baentsch, B., 96
Batten, L. W., 136
Beliar, 194
285
Benjamin, tribe of, 27
Bennett, W. H., 50
Bewer, J. A., 237, 238
Blood revenge, 13 f.
Bloomfield, M., n
Breasted, J. H., 2, 23, 29, 39, 46,
84, 95, 216, 234
Briggs, C. A., 35, 66
Brown, F., 35
Budde, K., 73, 88, 140
Buddhism, influence of, 271
Canaan, conquest of, 75
Captivity, Babylonian, 264 ff.; in-
fluence of, 265 ff., 282
Carpenter, J. E., 41, 50
Charles, R. H., 233, 247, 253, 261
Chasidim, 149, 150, 152 f.
Cherubim, 178
Cheyne, T. K., 103
Circumcision, 8 f., 62
Clement of Alexandria, 274
Clue, historical, 23
Cook, S. A., 283
Corner, law of, 155 f.
Cornill, C. H., 21
Covenant at Horeb, 58 ff. ; made
ethical development possible,
63 f . ; reinterpretations of, 64 f.,
98 f.
Cowley, A. E., 268
Curtis, S. I., 4, 17
Cyrus, the Great, 128 f.; allows
freedom to captives, 129
Dalman, G., 262
Damascus, 264
Daniel, book of, 250, 255
Dan, shrine of, 77
:86
INDEX
Dan, tribe of, 33
Davenport, F. M., 15, 83
Decalogue of J, 65 flr., 90; ethi-
cal decalogue, 68 ff., 90
Dedication, feast of, 149
Deities confined to localities, 4
Demons in pre-exilic literature,
179; after exile, 183; in apoc-
ryphal literature, 190 ff.
Deuteronomic code, 117 f-, 169;
finding of, 119 f.
Deuteronomic view of the Cove-
nant, 64 f.
Deuteronomy, 26, 267
Dispersion, 263 ff.
Documents of the Hexateuch,
20
Drama of the Exodus, 274
Driver, S. R., 21, 35, 41, 126
Drummond, J., 279, 280, 283
Duhm, B., 103, 109
Dumuzi, or Tammuz, 6, 7
Ecclesiastes, religion of, 226 ff.
Ecclesiasticus, religion of, 229 ff.
E Document, 20, 41, 64, 78, 89,
1 60, 169, 177
Egypt, 2, 3, 24, 56 ff., 136, 226 ff.,
272 ff.
Elephantine, Jews of, 142, 266 ff.
Elephantine papyri, 136
Eli, 161
Elijah, 87 ff., 91
Elisha, 16, 89
Elohim, 44, 56
Elyon, 54
Enoch, book of, 253 ff.
Enoch-parables, 257 ff.
Ephraim, tribe of, 27
Erman, A., 2
Esau, 34
Esdras II, 250
Essenes, 270 ff.
Esther, religion of, 239 ff.
Evolution, I
Ezekiel, 125 ff., 127 ff., 164 ff.
Ezra, 136, 137, 138, 265
Festivals of Yahweh, 80 ff., 169 ff.
Foreign marriages, 236 f.
Fullerton, K., 106, 113
Future life in Job, 222; in Eccle-
siastes, 227; in Daniel, 257
Gabriel, 183, 188
Gad, a god, 53
Gad, a tribe, 33
Gardiner, A., 104, 216
Gaster, M., 243
Gemara, 156
Gezer, shrine at, 76
Giesebrecht, F., 103, 104
Gil gals, 8
Gordon, G. A., 223
Gray, G. B., 21, 109, 113
Gressmann, H., 103
Guthe, H., 103
Habiru-Hebrews, 44
Hackmann, H., 103
Haggai, 132
Hamites, 2 ff., 25
Hammurapi, 6; code of, 79.
Harford-Battersby, G., 41, 50
Harris, J. R., 245
Haupt, P., 50
Hebrews, Semites, i f. ; descended
from Habiru, 44; in Egypt, 46
Hebron, 167; shrine at, 76
Hellenism, influence of, 281
Herem, or ban, 15 f.
Herodotus, 107, 120, 121, 240, 267
Hezekiah, 107, 109, iii
Hierodouloi, 7
Higher criticism, 19 ff.
High places, 85 f.
High place at Shechem, 75 f.
High priest, 162, 165 f.
Hillel, 154, 156, 265
INDEX
287
Historical value of early narra-
tives, 21 ff. ; clue to, 23 f.
Holiness code, 133 f., 170
Horeb, 58 ff.
Hosea, 65, 94, 98 f.
Huldah, 119
Human sacrifices, 12 f., 82 ff.
Idols, 92
Images, 81 f., 92
Ingathering-festival, 13
Isaiah, 94, loi ff., 106, 107, io8,
HI, 113, 115
Isaiah Second, 28 f.
Isaiah Third, 133
Israel, origin of, 43 ff.
Ishtar, goddess, 7
Jacob-el, 28, 35
Jacob, sons of, 26 f.
Jastrow, M. Jr., 85, 93
J Document, 20, 25, 40, 44, 64, 174
Jensen, P., 19, 36
Jeremiah, 65, 120, 121, 122 ff.
Jerusalem, shrine of, 77, 107 f.,
HI, 114 f.
Jesus of Nazareth, 131, 260
Jethro, 58 ff.
Jezebel, 87, 91
Job, religion of, 217 ff.
Jonah, religion of, 237 ff.; mis-
sionary tract, 239
Jonathan Maccabaeus, 150, 166
Joseph, tribes of, 29 ; stories of,
30 ff.
Joseph-el, 28
Josephus, Flavins, 144, 240, 269,
270, 272
Joshua, 50
Josiah, 119 ff.
Jubilees, book of, 250
Judas Maccabaeus, 149
Judith, religion of, 243 f,
Kadesh, 47 f,
Kenite-Midianites, 58, 71
Kenite theory of Yahweh, 57 ff.
Kittel, R., 79
Knowledge, expansion of, 18
Kyle, M. G., 42
Langdon, S., 215
Leah-tribes, 27; at Kadesh, 48;
enter Palestine from south, 49,
56, 70 ff.
Levi, tribe of, 158 f.
Leviathan, 185 f.
Levites, origin of, 159 ff.; created
as a class by Ezekiel, 80, 128 f. ;
164 f.
Levitical cities, 166 f.
Levitical laws, 20, 141 ; praised
in Psalter, 142 ff.
Lex talionis, 13 f.
Lilith, 184
Logos doctrine, 279
Macalister, R. A. S., 76, 112
Maccabees, 146 ff.
McFadyen, J. E., 21, 93
Malachi, 141 f.
Manasseh, king of Judah, 10, 107,
114 f., 119
Manasseh, tribe of, 27 f.
Marti, K., 103, 157
Mattathias, 148 f.
Maweth or Moth, 54
Meissner, B., 35
Meni, a goddess, 54
Merneptah, king of Egypt, 29, 34,
45-
Messianic ideal, 105, 109 ff.,
258 ff.
Micah, 65, 94, 106
Michael, 183, 188
Mishna, 154
Moloch (Melek), 116
Moore, G. F., 21, 96, 116
Monotheism, 94 f, 97, 123 f,
;88
INDEX
Moses, 56 ff. ; experience of Yah-
weh, 62
Moth, or Maweth, 54
Moulton, J. H., 194, 245
Miiller, F. Max, 215
Mil Her, W. Max, 28
Naphtali, tribe of, 33
Naville, E., 45
Nebuchadnezzar, 122 ff., 264
Nehemiah, 135 f., 137, 138
Nicanor's day, 150
Oesterley, W. O. E., 103, 104
Passover, feast of yeaning-time,
12, 79
Paton, L. B., 29, 41, 46 ff., 51, 55,
240, 246
Paul, the Apostle, 276
P Document, 25, 41, 134 f.
Peake, A. S., 233
Penuel, 188
Peters, J. P., 41, 55, 74, 92, 93,
140, 157, 215
Petrie, W. M. F., 42
Pharisees, 153 ff., 257 ff.
Philo Judaeus, 270, 278 ff.
Pillars, 8, 61, 117
Pinches, T. G., 95
Priesthood, 160, 161 f., 163 f.
Priestly code, 137, 141; in psalter,
142 ff.
Priests, wealthy, 162 f.
Prophecy, 15 f., 83 f., 146
Prophets, 83 f.
Proselytism, 273 ff.
Proverbs, religion of, 224 ff.
Psalms, imprecatory, 201 f.; na-
ture-psalms, 203 f. ; or Korah,
206 f.
Psalter, 20, 139, 143, 151; growth
of, 197 f.; religion of 196 ff,
Purim, 150
Rachel tribes, 27 ; in Egypt, 29 f . ;
entry into Palestine, 51, 56 f.,
71 ff.
Rahab, 185
Ramses II, 45
Reform of Josiah, 119 f.
Refuge, cities of, 118
Religion, Semitic background of,
2ff. ; ceremonial, 16 f.; pre-
Mosaic, 52 ff.
Resurrection, 257
Revelation, i
Revelation, book of, 250
Revenge, 13 f.
Righteousness, consciousness of,
204 f .
Ritual, denounced, 97 ; develop-
ment of, 168 f.
Rogers, R. W., 41, 106, 113
Ruth, religion of, 235 ff.
Sabbath laws, 154 ff.
Sacrifice, 10 ff.; theories of, 11;
human, 12 f., 82 f., ii6f. ; de-
nounced, 97 f.; psalmists' views
of, 208 ff. ; a broken spirit, 214
Sachau, E., 136
Sadducees, 153 f., 257
Samaritans, 138 f.
Samuel as seer, 85; as priest, 161
Sargon, 264
Satan, i8o ff., 186, 192, 231
Sayce, A. H., 268
Schrader, E., 34, 35
Schiirer, E., 274
Sennacherib, 106 ff.
Semites, 2 ff. ; kindred to Hamites,
ibid., animistic culture of, 4;
matriarchal organization of, 5
Septuagint, 272 ff.
Seraphim, 178
Serpent of Eden, 231; worship,
112
Servant of Yahweh, i3of.
Shaddai, 54
INDEX
289
Shammai, 154, 156
Sheditn, 179, 184
Sheol, 255
Shrines of Yahweh, 75 f.
Sibylline oracles, 250, 273 ff.
Simon Maccabasus, i5of.
Sin, origin of, 190 f., 231, 254; in
the heart, 214
Sinai, 47 f., 58
Sirach, son of, 229 f.
Smith, G. A., 93, io8, 113
Smith, H. P., 74, 93, 126
Smith, J. M. P., 96, 99, 113, "6
Smith, W. R., 5, 11, 17, 27, 77,
171, 172
Solomon, 86, 217; wisdom of, 230
Somaliland, 3
Son of Man, in Daniel, 256; in
Enoch, 258; as employed by
Jesus, 260
Steindorf, G., 95
Synagogue, 147 ff.
Talmud, 156
Tiammuz, 6
Temple, at Shiloh, 85; of Solo-
mon, 86 f.; at Elephantine,
267 ff.; at Leontopolis, 269
Thatcher, O., 283
Tiglath-pileser IV, 264
Tobit, book of, 270; religion of,
244 ff.
Torrey, C. C, 21
Toy, C. H., 9, 58, 73,
Traditions, classification of, 21 ff.
Uriel, 188
Van Dyke, H., 196
Wellhausen, J., 116
Wildeboer, D. G., 256
Winckler, H., 19, 36, 106
Wisdom, Hebrew meaning of,
2l6f.
Wisdom literature, religion of,
2l6ff.
Wisdom of Solomon, 277 ff. ; re-
ligion of, 230
Word of God, 231 f.
Yahweh, 44; covenant with Is-
rael, 56 ff.; Kenite god, 58 ff.;
of North Arabia, 59 ; God of
fertility, 60, 81; of weather, 60;
of war, 61; agricultural, 75;
connected with soil, 78; jealous
God, 67 f. ; the one God, 94 f. ;
angel of, 173 ff.
Zadok, 162
Zecheriah, 132
Zecheriah, Second, 146
Zephaniah, 121
Zerubbabel, 131, 132, 133, 165
Zimmern, H., 19, 36
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